دانشگاه گیلان (با مشارکت انجمن ایرانی روابط بین الملل) سیاست جهانی 2383-0123 13 4 2024 12 21 Comparative Analysis of Dar al-Arqam in Malaysia and Boko Haram in Nigeria: Traditional Religious Actions Against Western Modernity تحلیل مقایسه‌ای دارالارقم مالزی و بوکوحرام نیجریه؛ کنش سنت دینی علیه مدرنیته غربی 7 28 8161 10.22124/wp.2024.28183.3385 FA محمد کمالی گوکی استادیار علوم سیاسی، دانشکده حقوق، علوم سیاسی و تاریخ دانشگاه یزد، یزد، ایران محمدجواد سلطانی گیشینی دکتری روابط بین الملل، مدرس گروه علوم سیاسی دانشگاه شهید باهنر کرمان، کرمان، ایران Journal Article 2024 08 16 In the contemporary Islamic world, numerous movements have arisen. These movements have navigated the dichotomy between their own Islamic traditions and Western modernity to find a role in the political arena. Some have endeavored to emulate the West. Some have chosen to reject Western influences, while others have sought to integrate Islamic traditions with Western modernity. Meanwhile, the movements that have pursued the rejection of the West have generated substantial noise, yet they have similarly failed in attaining power. This study aims to identify the nature of political movements within contemporary Islam through a comparative analysis of two anti-Western sentiment in the Eastern and Western Islamic world. Employing Przeworski and Teune’s comparative method of different systems design, it seeks to address the central question of the commonalities and differences between the Dar al-Arqam movement in Malaysia and Boko Haram Nigeria. examining the essence, motivations for formation, operational methods, and eventual fates of these two movements, this study concludes that both have rejected Western influences through a traditionalist interpretation. Nonetheless, their operational approaches, interpretations of Islam, and geographical influences differ significantly. در جهان اسلام معاصر، جنبش‌های متعددی سربرآورده‌اند. این جنبش‌ها در میان دوگانه‌ی سنت اسلامی خود و مدرنیته‌ی غرب راهی برای نقش‌آفرینی در سیاست پیدا کرده‌اند. برخی‌ها سعی در شبیه‌سازی خود با غرب داشته‌اند. برخی به طرد غرب پرداخته‌اند و برخی سعی در ترکیب سنت اسلامی و مدرنیته‌ی غربی داشته‌اند. در این میان جنبش‌هایی که به طرد غرب پرداخته‌اند، سروصدایی بسیاری ایجاد کرده‌اند، اما به همان میزان در دستیابی به قدرت ناکام مانده‌اند. این پژوهش با هدف شناسایی ماهیت جنبش‌های سیاسی در اسلام معاصر به تحلیل مقایسه‌ای دو جریان ضدغربی در شرق و غرب جهان اسلام پرداخته است و با روش مقایسه‌ای اختلاف توافق پرزورسکی و تیون به دنبال پاسخ به سوال محوری اشتراکات و اختلافات جنبش دارالرقم مالزی و بوکوحرام نیجریه است. پژوهش حاضر پس از بررسی چیستی، چرایی شکل گیری، چگونگی عملکرد و سرنوشت این دو جریان به این نتیجه رسید هر دو جنبش با تفسیری سنت‌گرایانه به طرد غرب پرداخته‌اند، ولی در روش عملکردی، تفسیر از اسلام و اثرپذیری از محیط جغرافیایی با هم اختلاف دارند.

https://interpolitics.guilan.ac.ir/article_8161_675974176b66633211fbe32f274f7e33.pdf

دانشگاه گیلان (با مشارکت انجمن ایرانی روابط بین الملل) سیاست جهانی 2383-0123 13 4 2024 12 21 The challenges of the Saudi democratic transition from the perspective of the 2030 Vision in the framework of Giddens' theory of constructivism چالش های گذار دموکراتیک سعودی از منظر سند ۲۰۳۰ در چارچوب نظریه ساختمندی گیدنز 29 50 8263 10.22124/wp.2024.27049.3334 FA محمدرضا محمدی دانشجوی دکتری روابط بین الملل، دانشکده حقوق، علوم سیاسی و الهیات، واحد علوم و تحقیقات، دانشکاه آزاد اسالامی، تهران، ایران کیهان برزگر دانشیار گروه علوم سیاسی و روابط بین الملل، دانشکدۀ حقوق ، الهیات و علوم سیاسی ، دانشگاه آزاداسلامی واحد علوم تحقیقات ، تهران، ایران نفیسه السادات قادری استادیارگروه روابط بین الملل، دانشکده حقوق، الهیات و علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، واحد علوم و تحقیقات، تهران، ایران Journal Article 2024 04 02 Saudi Arabia has designed an economic vision called the 2030 Development Plan and has mobilized its resources and policies to achieve it. based on that, the ministries and agencies of Saudi Arabia are obliged to double their capabilities and study important developments from various directions. Saudi Arabia's vision 2030 promotes structural economic changes in the country and promotes transparency, accountability, citizen participation and more open economic and social spaces. This plan, if successful in the long run, can reconfigure the relationship between the government and citizens and change the entire political system. This article tries to answer whether Saudi Arabia's 2030 vision can shape a democratic transition process in this country and ultimately contribute to the democratization of the country. Relying on the concepts of democratic transition, and Giddens' theory of constructivism as a theoretical framework, this article adopts an analytical-descriptive approach to understand the relationship between economic reforms and democratization. The findings of the research indicate that the goals of designing this document on the part of the Saudi government, in response to the events of 2014, were to curb internal and external changes, monopolize power, and grant new legitimacy to the system at home and abroad, and the government, in designing this document, It has not had a desire for democratic reforms, and the disproportion between the economic development planned in the 2030 document and the political development in the traditionalist structure of Saudi Arabia, this document cannot ultimately draw a path towards democracy in this country Conclusions & Suggestions These factors are considered important and decisive in determining human agents' behaviors. From this viewpoint, the lack of democracy and democratic transition are analyzed considering the political and socio-cultural red flags and constraints in the institutionalized structures. Accordingly, each society develops differently from others, and its political participation is based on its criteria, norms, and historical conditions. Some societies move more slowly and others more quickly toward democratic standards. However, it seems that Saudi Arabia faces numerous and serious obstacles in this path.. . .. عربستان سعودی در سال 2016، سندی با عنوان چشم انداز 2030 منتشرکرد. این سند درصدد است تغییرات عمده است و بر اساس آن، وزارتخانه‌ها و دستگاه‌های دست‌اندرکار عربستان سعودی موظف‌اند، توانمندی‌های خود را دو چندان کرده و پیشرفت‌های مهمی را از جهات گوناگون تحصیل نمایند. چشم انداز 2030 عربستان سعودی، ایجاد تغییرات اقتصادی ساختاری در این کشور و شفافیت، مسئولیت پذیری، مشارکت شهروندان و فضاهای بازتر اقتصادی و اجتماعی را تبلیغ می‌کند. این طرح اگر در درازمدت موفق باشد، می‌تواند رابطه بین دولت و شهروندی را دوباره پیکربندی کند و کل نظام سیاسی را تغییر دهد. این مقاله در تلاش است تا به این پرسش پاسخ دهد که آیا چشم انداز 2030 عربستان سعودی می‌تواند یک فرِایند گذار دموکراسی را در این کشور شکل داده و در نهایت به دموکراسیزه شدن این کشور کمک کند. این مقاله با تکیه بر مفاهیم گذار دموکراتیک، و نظریه ساختمندی گیدنز به عنوان یک چارچوب نظری، رویکردی تحلیلی-توصیفی را برای درک رابطه بین اصلاحات اقتصادی و دموکراسی‌سازی اتخاذ می‌کند. یافته‌های پژوهش حاکی از آنست که اهداف طراحی این سند از جانب دولت عربستان، در پاسخ به رخدادهای 2014، در مهار تغییرات داخلی و خارجی، انحصار قدرت، و اعطای مشروعیت جدید به نظام در داخل و خارج، بوده و دولت در طراحی این سند، تمایلی به اصلاحات دموکراتیک نداشته است و عدم تناسب بین توسعه اقتصادی برنامه ریزی شده در سند 2030 و توسعه سیاسی در ساختار سنت گرای عربستان سعودی، این سند نمی‌تواند نهایتا مسیری را یه سوی دموکراسی در این کشور ترسیم کند.

https://interpolitics.guilan.ac.ir/article_8263_d50268f4a497a7cc9e40004e3a7ea4ce.pdf

دانشگاه گیلان (با مشارکت انجمن ایرانی روابط بین الملل) سیاست جهانی 2383-0123 13 4 2024 12 21 Domestic Dynamics and Saudi Arabia’s Regional Policy (2011–2019) پویایی های عرصه داخلی و سیاست منطقه ای عربستان سعودی (بازه زمانی 2019-2011) 51 80 8262 10.22124/wp.2024.28620.3417 FA فهیمه قربانی دانشجوی دکتری گروه علوم سیاسی و روابط بین الملل، دانشکده حقوق، الهیات و علوم سیاسی، واحد علوم و تحقیقات، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، تهران. ایران حمید احمدی استاد دانشکده حقوق و علوم سیاسی دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایران. مهدی ذاکریان دانشیار گروه علوم سیاسی و روابط بین‌الملل، دانشکده حقوق، الهیات و علوم سیاسی، واحد علوم و تحقیقات، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، تهران. ایران 0000-0002-4719-6691 Journal Article 2024 10 07 Most of the investigations into Middle Eastern countries’ regional policy overlook the role of domestic variables, despite their significant impact on the regional policy and even their capacity to shaping regional strategy. In this regard, the main purpose of this qualitative research is to explain how domestic dynamics affected Saudi Arabia’s Middle East policy from 2011 to 2019. The data were collected through documentary research and analyzed using the diversionary theory of foreign policy. This research revealed that legitimacy deficit, power transition, and anxiety arising from the domestic consequences of the Arab Spring were influential in the formation of diversionary motives of Saudi Arabia to enter into regional conflicts or escalate geopolitical rivalries. This study suggests that strengthening ‘good governance’ is a vital component in mitigating regional conflicts and fostering peace; from this perspective, Saudi Arabia’s ‘focus’ on reform strategy, particularly economic development from 2019 onwards, has led to a considerable adjustment to the Saudi geopolitical rivalries, the alteration of its regional strategy to some extent and consequently, a sharp reduction in its diversionary motives to enter into regional conflicts. پژوهش درباره تحلیل تاثیرگذاری پیشران های داخلی بر سیاست و راهبرد منطقه ای کشورهای خاورمیانه محدود است؛ در این راستا هدف اصلی این تحقیق کیفی، تبیین چگونگی تاثیرگذاری پویایی های داخلی بر سیاست خاورمیانه ای عربستان طی سال های 2011 تا 2019 است. گردآوری داده ها از طریق مطالعات اسنادی بوده و با به کارگیری نظریه سیاست خارجی انحرافی مورد تحلیل قرار گرفته اند. این پژوهش نشان می دهد که کسری مشروعیت، تغییرات در ساخت قدرت و نگرانی فزاینده ناشی از پیامدهای داخلی بهار عربی در شکل گیری انگیزه های انحرافی عربستان برای ورود به درگیری های منطقه ای یا «تشدید» این نوع درگیری ها و رقابت های ژئوپلیتیکی در بازه زمانی مزبور تاثیرگذار بودند. پژوهش حاضر پیشنهاد می کند که تقویت «حکمرانی خوب»، مولفه ای حیاتی در کاهش اختلافات منطقه ای است؛ از این منظر «تمرکز» عربستان بر راهبرد اصلاحات به ویژه توسعه اقتصادی از سال 2019 به بعد منجر به تعدیل نسبی قابل توجهی در رقابت‌های ژئوپلیتیکی این کشور، تاحدی تغییر راهبرد منطقه‌ای آن و بالتبع، کاهش شدید انگیزه‌های انحرافی اش برای ورود به کشمکش‌های منطقه‌ای شده است.

https://interpolitics.guilan.ac.ir/article_8262_c486b8a5b56b445c38e39fc0e54ac483.pdf

دانشگاه گیلان (با مشارکت انجمن ایرانی روابط بین الملل) سیاست جهانی 2383-0123 13 4 2024 12 21 The Political Economy of Vietnam, From the Socialist Paradigm to Doi Moi اقتصاد سیاسی ویتنام، از پارادایم سوسیالیستی تا تجدید حیات دوی موی 81 102 8284 10.22124/wp.2024.29050.3438 FA سجاد بهرامی مقدم نویسنده مسئول، استادیار روابط بین الملل، گروه علوم سیاسی دانشگاه گیلان، رشت، ایران. Journal Article 2024 11 21 Given that the characteristics of each country are different, just as the experiences of China, the Soviet Union, and Japan are different, and the Islamic Republic of Iran also has its own divine values and specific conditions, for which the Vietnamese model is neither desirable nor possible, understanding Vietnam also requires a specific study of this country. The main question of this article is what is the relationship between the gradual and combined change of the socialist paradigm in the political economy and the remarkable economic growth of Vietnam from 1986 to 2023? In response to this hypothesis, it has been proposed that the gradual and combined change of the socialist paradigm in the political economy has caused the remarkable economic growth of Vietnam from 1986 to 2023. The quality of this paradigm and its evolution have been examined in detail in the text of the article. The research method in this article is explanatory, based on which the relationship between two variables, the dominant paradigm and Vietnam's economic performance, has been examined. In this article, data and empirical evidence have been collected in a library manner. The findings of this article show that the Doi Moi, which means revival, occurred as a result of a crisis in the dominant socialist paradigm that dominated the political economy of Vietnam. This paradigm determined issues as priorities and also specific solutions to achieve those priorities and preferences. Therefore, firstly, it placed the expansion of Marxist modernization as the supreme goal and secondly, it did not allow recourse to solutions outside the dominant paradigm. The Doi Moi was a search for solutions outside the socialist paradigm and by attracting other policies to overcome economic problems, a search that was based on pragmatism and not on the dogmas of the Washington Consensus, which were offered to the countries of the former Eastern Bloc and the Third World. Introduction In the past three decades, economic development indicators have shown remarkable transformation in Vietnam. The country has risen from being one of the poorest nations in the world to a lower-middle-income economy. Between 2002 and 2018, the national per capita income grew by 2.7 percent annually, reaching $2,700 by 2019. As a result, according to the World Bank, over 45 million people have been lifted out of poverty from a total population of 95 million. This progress is particularly significant considering that in the early 1980s, Vietnam was one of the poorest countries globally, facing widespread economic stagnation and a severe inability to supply rice, the staple food of its population. Alongside a staggering 700 percent inflation rate, the country was on the brink of collapse. Ultimately, with the escalation of economic crises, Vietnam, since 1986, has undergone a transition from a dominant socialist paradigm while maintaining elements of political authoritarianism. The economic prosperity of Vietnam since 1986 is the result of changes introduced under the Doi Moi reforms. The aim of this paper is to explore the relationship between economic performance and the prevailing paradigm shaped by the beliefs, ideas, and worldview of the political leaders who have governed Vietnam. The central question of the paper is: What is the connection between the paradigm shift and Vietnam's remarkable economic growth from 1986 to 2023? In response, the hypothesis posited is that the shift in the dominant political economy paradigm has driven the significant economic growth of Vietnam from 1986 to 2023. The quality of this paradigm and its evolution are examined in detail within the body of the paper. Theoretical Framework Inspired by Kuhn's work on scientific paradigms, the concept of a paradigm is also used to classify the approaches to economic development. From this perspective, a paradigm is defined as a set of principles, ideologies, and strategies accepted by a group of individuals. Accordingly, any paradigm that becomes dominant under the leadership of a government firstly determines what that government considers important. For example, does a government view military power as the primary concern, or does it prioritize the wealth and economic well-being of the country? Or does it consider both power and wealth, or security and prosperity, as equally crucial? This depends on the prevailing paradigm. Each paradigm defines the goals and priorities for governments and outlines the strategies and methods necessary to achieve those goals. The dominant paradigm is what guides policymakers, showing them the paths ahead, highlighting which issues are most critical, determining which objectives to pursue, and, of course, advising on the strategies and policies required to resolve these issues and achieve the set goals. The dominant paradigm, accepted by political leaders, brings to the forefront the problems the country is facing and provides solutions for addressing them. Methodology The research method employed in this paper is explanatory, through which the relationship between two variables—the dominant paradigm and Vietnam's economic performance—is examined. Additionally, in this study, data and empirical evidence have been gathered through a library-based approach. Results and Discussion The findings of this paper indicate that Doi Moi, meaning "Renovation," emerged as a result of a crisis within the dominant socialist paradigm that had controlled Vietnam's political economy. This paradigm prioritized certain issues and prescribed specific solutions for achieving these priorities and preferences. As a result, it neither placed the expansion of public welfare at the forefront of national objectives nor allowed recourse to solutions outside the dominant paradigm. In fact, poverty in Vietnam had solutions, but these solutions were prohibited under the paradigm that prevailed until 1986. Doi Moi represented an exploration of alternatives beyond the prevailing paradigm to overcome economic challenges, but this search was grounded in pragmatism and gradual change. Therefore, since within different societies there are various beliefs, ideologies, worldviews, and opinions, different political paradigms can emerge. Each paradigm represents a consensus among political leaders and a large portion of the society who accept it. Additionally, there may be rival political paradigms, each of which highlights a hierarchy of goals and issues within the realm of political economy and proposes solutions and strategies for the government to achieve these goals and resolve these issues. Which paradigm dominates a government depends on which group emerges victorious in the power struggles among different political and social groups. The group that wins the internal conflicts of a country is able to establish the dominance of the paradigm it carries. This paper examines the political economy of Vietnam from this theoretical perspective. Conclusions & Suggestions Since the second half of the 20th century, there have been rival political forces in Vietnam, each carrying different beliefs, ideologies, and worldviews. Following the departure of France and the United States, the Communist Party took control over the entire territory of the country. The political leaders of the Party, having emerged victorious in the internal struggles in Vietnam, established a specific paradigm that dominated the country’s political economy. This paradigm, first, did not prioritize the expansion of public welfare as a central goal of the political system, but rather emphasized concepts such as fighting imperialism, stressing independence, and ensuring the livelihood of the people. The economic outcomes of this paradigm for Vietnam resulted in the continuation of widespread poverty, as it not only condemned the idea of wealth accumulation among the people but also imposed specific solutions for ensuring basic livelihoods, which were often ineffective. Doi Moi, a gradual process grounded in economic pragmatism, led to the remarkable economic growth of Vietnam from 1986 onward. The economic success of Vietnam since 1986 can be attributed to the adoption of solutions that were outside the framework of the dominant socialist paradigm, solutions that were implemented with a pragmatic approach by the political leadership . . . باتوجه به این که ویژگی های هر کشوری متفاوت است همان طور که تجربه چین و شوروی و ژاپن فرق دارد و جمهوری اسلامی ایران نیز ارزش های الهی و شرایط و الگوی خاص خود را دارد، که الگوی ویتنام برای آن نه مطلوب است نه ممکن، درک ویتنام نیز نیازمند بررسی خاص این کشور است. سؤال اصلی این مقاله نیز این است که بین تغییر تدریجی و ترکیبی پارادایم سوسیالیستی دراقتصاد سیاسی و رشد چشمگیر اقتصادی ویتنام از 1986 الی 2023، چه ارتباطی برقرار است؟ در پاسخ این فرضیه طرح شده است که تغییر تدریجی و ترکیبی پارادایم سوسیالیستی در اقتصاد سیاسی سبب رشد چشمگیر اقتصادی ویتنام از 1986 الی 2023 شده است. کیفیت این پارادایم و تحول در آن در متن مقاله به تفصیل بررسی شده است. روش تحقیق در این مقاله به شیوه تبیینی است که بر اساس آن رابطه بین دو متغییر، پارادایم غالب و عملکرد اقتصادی ویتنام بررسی شده است. هم این طور در این مقاله، داده‌ها و شواهد تجربی به شیوه کتابخانه‌ای گردآوری شده است. یافته‌های این مقاله نشان می‌دهد که دوی موی که به معنای تجدید حیات است، در نتیجه بحران در پارادایم غالب سوسیالیستی رخ داد که بر اقتصاد سیاسی ویتنام مسلط شده بود، این پارادایم موضوعاتی را به عنوان اولویت‌ها و هم این طور راه حل‌هایی خاص را برای دست یابی به آن اولویت‌ها و ترجیحات تعین می‌کرد، لذا اولاً گسترش نوسازی مارکسیستی را به عنوان هدف والا قرار می داد و در ثانی اجازه توسل به راه حل‌های خارج از پارادایم مسلط داده نمی‌شد، دوی موی جستجویی برای راه حل‌هایی خارج از پارادایم سوسیالیستی و با جذب از دیگر سیاست ها جهت غلبه بر مسائل اقتصادی بود، جستجویی که بر عمل گرایی مبتنی بوده است نه بر دگماهای اجماع واشنگتن، که به کشورهای بلوک شرق سابق و جهان سوم پیشنهاد می شد.

https://interpolitics.guilan.ac.ir/article_8284_5cd083ab7e1e98483a5821a69a2fb41f.pdf

دانشگاه گیلان (با مشارکت انجمن ایرانی روابط بین الملل) سیاست جهانی 2383-0123 13 4 2024 12 21 Time, Quantum and Theory of IR زمان، کوانتوم و نظریه روابط بین‌الملل 103 129 8287 10.22124/wp.2024.27549.3351 FA محمد داوند استادیار، گروه معارف اسلامی، دانشکده ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی کرمان، کرمان، ایران Journal Article 2024 05 26 Two different interpretations of time can be recognized in quantum epistemology: in the mainstream interpretation of quantum, the most important reflection of ontology for the theory of international relations is de-realism, and in the interpretations of parallel worlds, string theory and holographic interpretation, the return of morality and spirituality is reproduced. Conclusion: Conclusion: According to the followers of the Copenhagen school in quantum, the phenomenon is viewed as a function of time. The uncertainty principle is used from Young's two gap test. This characteristic caused theories such as realism, which have a Newtonian interpretation of time and emphasize principles such as state-centeredness, survival, and self-help, to be considered worthless. In the interpretation of parallel worlds, reality consists of multiple worlds that reflect the continuous division of the world into real worlds that cannot be seen together. In string theory, a wormhole is created by connecting the space-time plane. In wormholes, distances can be reached in a short time. In a holographic interpretation, this way of thinking about black hole information is supported by string theory. In these interpretations, دو تفسیر متفاوت از زمان، در معرفت‌شناسی کوانتوم قابل بازشناسی است: در تفسیر جریان اصلی کوانتوم، مهم‌ترین بازتاب‎ هستی‌شناسی برای نظریه روابط بین‌الملل، رئالیسم‌زدایی است و در تفاسیر جهان‌های موازی، نظریه ریسمان و تعبیر هولوگرافی، بازگشت اخلاق و معنویت بازتولید می‌شوند. به زعم طرفداران مکتب کپنهاگ، پدیده به مثابه تابعی از زمان نگریسته می‌شود. از آزمایش دو شکاف یانگ، اصل عدم قطعیت، مستفاد می‌شود. این ویژگی سبب شد تا نظریاتی چون رئالیسم که تفسیری نیوتونی از زمان دارند و تأکید بر اصولی نظیر دولت‌محوری و خودیاری داشته، فاقد ارزش تلقی شوند. در تعبیر جهان‌های موازی اورت، واقعیت، متشکل از جهان‌های متعدد است که منعکس‌کنندۀ انشعاب پیوستۀ جهان، به جهان‌های واقعی است که با هم قابل رویت نیستند. در نظریه ریسمان، با اتصال صفحه فضا-زمان، کرمچاله بوجود می‌آید. در کرمچاله‌ها، در زمانی کوتاه دوردست‌ها قابل دسترسی‌اند. در تعبیر هولوگرافیک، این طرز فکر در مورد اطلاعات سیاه‌چاله را نظریه‌ی ریسمان، پشتیبانی می‌کند. در این تعابیر ویژگی‌هایی نظیر کل‌گرایی و مکمل بودن، پیامدهای اخلاقی در سیاست خارجی، در پی دارد. همچنین، عوامل غیر مادی نظیر مذهب نقش مهمی در تحولات جهانی پیدا می‌کنند.

https://interpolitics.guilan.ac.ir/article_8287_3d3ecdbad2e7febca7c0fe822b09b05c.pdf

دانشگاه گیلان (با مشارکت انجمن ایرانی روابط بین الملل) سیاست جهانی 2383-0123 13 4 2024 12 21 From soft power to hard power; The evolution of Turkey's foreign policy during the period of the Justice and Development Party towards the Middle East از قدرت نرم تا قدرت سخت؛ تحول در سیاست خارجی ترکیه در دوره حزب عدالت و توسعه در قبال خاورمیانه 131 155 8264 10.22124/wp.2024.22552.3043 FA ابوذر عمرانی دکترای روابط بین الملل، گروه روابط بین الملل، دانشگاه علامه طباطبائی، تهران، ایران. رضا مجدی دانشجوی دکتری روابط بین الملل،گروه روابط بین الملل، پردیس دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایران. Journal Article 2022 06 26 After the Justice and Development Party came to power in 2002, the traditional policy of westernization of Turkey was somewhat deviated and an active regional foreign policy was adopted. Until the Arab Spring developments in 2011, Turkey's foreign policy towards the Middle East continued based on the policy of neo-Ottomanism and influence based on soft power. From 2011 onwards, shaping the emerging order of the region became Turkey's main priority. After the coup in 2016, the Party's foreign policy became more independent, pragmatic and militaristic than before. The study aims to investigate these changes with the method of process tracing, the question is: How can the changes in the foreign policy of Party towards the Middle East, from the use of soft power to the use of military tools, be explained? Tracing the process shows that from 2002 to 2024, there were clear signs of a realistic foreign policy. In all this time, interest-centeredness, opportunism, pragmatism and nationalism have been the basis of the policies of the elites of the Justice and Development Party. پس از روی کار آمدن حزب عدالت و توسعه در سال 2002، از سیاست سنتی غرب‌گرایی ترکیه تا حدودی عدول شده و سیاست فعال منطقه‌ای اتخاذ گردید. تا تحولات بهار عربی در سال 2011، سیاست خارجی ترکیه مطابق با سیاست نوعثمان‌گرایی و نفوذ بر اساس قدرت نرم ادامه یافت. از سال 2011 به بعد شکل‌دهی به نظم در حال ظهور منطقه به اولویت اصلی ترکیه تبدیل شد. با وقوع کودتای نافرجام سال 2016، سیاست خارجی حزب در قبال خاورمیانه نسبت به قبل مستقل‌تر، عملگراتر و نظامی‌تر گردید. پژوهش حاضر قصد دارد این تغییرات در سیاست منطقه‌ای ترکیه را با روش ردیابی فرایند مورد بررسی قرار دهد. پرسش این است: تغییرات سریع و آشکار سیاست خارجی حزب عدالت و توسعه در قبال خاورمیانه، از به‌کارگیری قدرت نرم تا استفاده از ابزار نظامی، چگونه قابل تبیین است؟ ردیابی فرایند نشان می‌دهد که از سال 2002 تا 2024 نشانه‌های آشکاری از یک سیاست خارجی واقع‌گرایانه بروز یافته است. در تمام این مدت منفعت محوری، فرصت‌طلبی، عمل‌گرایی و ملی‌گرایی مبنای سیاست‌های نخبگان حزب عدالت و توسعه قرار داشته است.

https://interpolitics.guilan.ac.ir/article_8264_85ae611fd25f3843599d0c06db259b82.pdf

دانشگاه گیلان (با مشارکت انجمن ایرانی روابط بین الملل) سیاست جهانی 2383-0123 13 4 2024 12 21 Securitization of the immigration phenomenon in the in the European Union: with an Emphasis on Muslim Minority امنیتی سازی پدیده مهاجرت در اتحادیه اروپا با تأکید بر مسلمانان 157 187 8162 10.22124/wp.2024.27084.3332 FA فرشته بهرامی پور دانشجوی دکتری روابط بین الملل، گروه علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه اصفهان، اصفهان، ایران. 0000-0002-4927-0509 سحر براتی بروجنی دانشجوی دکتری روابط بین الملل، گروه علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه اصفهان، اصفهان، ایران. 0009-0000-1866-2430 علی امیدی دانشیار روابط بین الملل، گروه علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه اصفهان، اصفهان، ایران. Journal Article 2024 03 30 Immigration has experienced a significant surge in the past few decades as a result of a variety of factors. The proximity of Europe to critical regions, such as the Middle East and North Africa, has resulted in an increase in the immigration of Muslims to Europe since 2015. However, in recent years, extreme right-wing and racist tendencies have gained traction in nearly all European countries. Some extreme right-wing parties and Western media have used immigrants, particularly Muslims, as a convenient scapegoat, characterizing them as threats to their identity, values, culture, and economy. This study analyzed the perception of Europeans toward Muslim immigrants to determine whether the immigration of Muslims to the European Union (EU) is a genuine or fabricated threat. This was a descriptive-analytical study that employed the Copenhagen school as the theoretical framework. The study findings indicated that the immigration of Muslims to European countries is predominantly a threat fabricated by certain politicians. در دهه‌های اخیر، پدیده مهاجرت در اثر عوامل مختلفی افزایش چشم‌گیری داشته است و به‌ویژه از سال 2015 مهاجرت مسلمانان به اروپا به دلیل نزدیکی اروپا به مناطق بحران‌خیزی چون خاورمیانه تشدید شده است. از طرفی طی چند سال گذشته تقریباً در اکثر کشورهای اروپایی گرایش‌های راست افراطی و نژادپرستانه گسترش‌یافته و مهاجران و بخصوص مسلمانان هدف اول حملات احزاب راست افراطی و رسانه‌های غربی قرارگرفته‌اند و از مهاجران به‌عنوان تهدیدکنندگان هویت، ارزش‌ها، فرهنگ و اقتصاد خود یاد میکنند. مقاله پیش رو با بررسی روند مهاجرت به اروپا و برداشت اروپائیان، در پی پاسخ به این پرسش است: آیا مهاجرت مسلمانان به اتحادیه اروپا یک تهدید واقعی است یا یک تهدید برساخته؟ در قالب نظریه امنیتی‌سازی مکتب کپنهاگ و با روش توصیفی- تحلیلی، استدلال‌های این پژوهش نشان میدهد که مهاجرت مسلمانان به کشورهای اروپایی، بیش از آنکه تهدید واقعی برای اقتصاد، هویت و ارزش‌های غربی باشند یک تهدید برساخته شده از سوی سیاستمداران و رسانه‌های غربی است.

https://interpolitics.guilan.ac.ir/article_8162_e826ba70a1d58f7be4adf37475801124.pdf

دانشگاه گیلان (با مشارکت انجمن ایرانی روابط بین الملل) سیاست جهانی 2383-0123 13 4 2024 12 21 Obama and Trump's Foreign Policy in the Middle East with an Emphasis on the Offshore Balancing Strategy (2008-2020) سیاست خارجی اوباما و ترامپ در خاورمیانه با تأکید بر استراتژی موازنه فراساحلی (2020-2008) 189 207 8598 10.22124/wp.2024.28206.3388 FA ارسلان قربانی شیخ‌نشین استاد روابط بین الملل، گروه روابط بین‌الملل، دانشگاه خوارزمی، تهران، ایران 0000-0002-4005-1684 مهدی انصاری دکتری روابط بین الملل، گروه روابط بین‌الملل، دانشگاه خوارزمی، تهران، ایران Journal Article 2024 11 04 This study examines the foreign policy approaches of Barack Obama and Donald Trump towards developments in the Middle East from the perspective of offshore balance. Both governments have tried to avoid direct US intervention in the region and to confront threats such as the Islamic Republic of Iran and China's influence. Obama, using smart diplomacy and soft methods, has withdrawn military forces from regional wars and strengthened human rights sanctions and the position of the United States. In contrast, Trump has tried to confront Iranian influence with a policy of maximum pressure, withdrawal from the JCPOA, and bringing Arab countries and Israel closer together in the form of the Abraham Accords. In addition, both governments have only taken limited military action in limited cases, which are selective interventions and within the framework of offshore balance strategy, to repel major threats in the Middle East, which have been manifested in Yemen and Syria and the coalition against terrorism. This article has collected data in a library format using a comparative method and the theoretical framework of offshore balance. تحقیق حاضر به بررسی رویکردهای سیاست خارجی باراک اوباما و دونالد ترامپ در قبال تحولات خاورمیانه از منظر موازنه فراساحلی می‌پردازد. هر دو دولت تلاش کرده‌اند تا از مداخله مستقیم آمریکا در منطقه پرهیز کنند و به مقابله با تهدیداتی مانند جمهوری اسلامی ایران و نفوذ چین بپردازند. اوباما با استفاده از دیپلماسی هوشمند و روش‌های نرم، نیروهای نظامی را از جنگ‌های منطقه‌ای خارج کرده و به تقویت تحریم‌های حقوق بشری و جایگاه آمریکا پرداخته است. در مقابل، ترامپ با سیاست فشار حداکثری، خروج از برجام و نزدیک کردن کشورهای عربی و اسرائیل در قالب پیمان ابراهیم، سعی در مقابله با نفوذ ایران داشته است. ضمن اینکه هر دو دولت تنها در موارد محدودی که مداخله گزینشی و در چارچوب استراتژی توازن فراساحلی است نسبت به دفع تهدیدات بزرگ در خاورمیانه اقدام نظامی محدود انجام دادند که در یمن و سوریه و ائتلاف علیه تروریسم نمود یافته است. این مقاله با استفاده از روش مقایسه‌ای و چارچوب نظری موازنه فراساحلی، داده‌ها را به‌صورت کتابخانه‌ای گردآوری کرده است

https://interpolitics.guilan.ac.ir/article_8598_7bc7f496173472d0d99253fc1a6763bb.pdf

دانشگاه گیلان (با مشارکت انجمن ایرانی روابط بین الملل) سیاست جهانی 2383-0123 13 4 2024 12 21 Emergence, prevalence and political-economic consequences Covid-19 (Corona) ظهور، شیوع و پی‌آمدهای سیاسی-اقتصادی کووید- 19(کرونا) 209 232 7052 10.22124/wp.2023.24634.3198 FA صفت الله شاهوردی دانشجوی دکتری روابط بین‌الملل، گروه علوم سیاسی، واحد کرج، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، کرج، ایران رضا شیرزادی عضو هیأت علمی گروه علوم سیاسی، واحد کرج، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، کرج، ایران حسن شمسینی غیاثوند عضو هیأت علمی گروه علوم سیاسی، واحد تاکستان، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، تاکستان، ایران Journal Article 2023 05 31 On the threshold of the 20th century, the spread of the corona virus indicates a new crisis in the field of collective life, which has transformed many meanings and manifestations of human social life in the domestic and international arenas. Although the world has faced various crises (warming of the air, melting of the polar ice, floods, flooding of agricultural lands, lack of food, immigration, unemployment, refugees, weapons) mass killings, terrorism, natural disasters, spread of poverty) has been faced. However, the spread of Covid-19 has opened another perspective for the present and future of human society in terms of its impact. With the outbreak of the epidemic, public health and political stability were connected and influenced each other. This influence was visible and discussed in a range of domestic and international levels, as well as political and economic fields. Surveys show that fields such as sports industry, social health, philosophy and speech, urban management, various branches of art, political and economic geography, issues of the European Union and the Middle East, and population structure, have each been affected, and have gone through changes. Although the accurate assessment of the effects and consequences of the Corona crisis on the international political economy requires more time, the present study tries to analyze its consequences in various fields of collective life by using the descriptive-explanatory method. Introduction Pandemics have historically served as profound disruptions, affecting all aspects of human life—from the arts and political ideologies to economic systems and demographic structures. The COVID-19 pandemic marked a turning point in the twenty-first century, exposing the fragility of global structures and prompting a reconsideration of long-held assumptions about state sovereignty, global cooperation, and collective security. Unlike previous crises such as climate change, terrorism, or economic recessions, COVID-19’s speed and scale of transmission demanded immediate global attention and action. It not only strained public health systems but also challenged the foundations of international relations by revealing both the strengths and failures of the current state-centric global order. The pandemic blurred the line between national and global issues: local outbreaks rapidly became global emergencies. It demonstrated that in an era of globalization, no nation is immune to cross-border health threats. While nation-states have historically operated within a framework prioritizing sovereignty, COVID-19 revealed the necessity for transnational cooperation and governance. The virus affected virtually every aspect of daily life, from the functioning of cities to the operation of international markets, from refugee crises to internet dependency. As states struggled to balance national responses with international cooperation, the pandemic highlighted deep inequalities and systemic inefficiencies in global governance. This article aims to analyze the political and economic consequences of COVID-19 by examining its impact across various domains of collective life, including political stability, economic systems, public health, urban governance, the arts, and philosophical discourse Theoretical Framework This study draws upon interdisciplinary theoretical approaches within international political economy and global health governance. Rooted in critical theory and complex interdependence, it challenges the realist assumption that sovereign states are self-sufficient and security-focused actors. COVID-19 has revealed the insufficiency of traditional Westphalian sovereignty when addressing transboundary threats like pandemics. The global spread of the virus aligns with globalist theories that emphasize the erosion of national borders under the pressure of capital, labor, information, and microbial flows. Moreover, the study utilizes elements of constructivist thought to analyze how the meaning and politicization of health threats are socially constructed and vary across political contexts. Health is no longer confined to the domestic sphere but has entered the realm of high politics, demanding global attention. From this perspective, the pandemic serves not only as a biological phenomenon but as a socio-political event reshaping power structures, redefining state responsibilities, and transforming the legitimacy of international institutions. In line with global governance theory, this work also addresses the role of non-state actors—NGOs, multinational corporations, and international organizations—in shaping health outcomes and influencing political agendas. Methodology The research adopts a descriptive-analytical method, combining qualitative content analysis with interpretive approaches. Primary data sources include reports from international organizations, governmental policy documents, academic literature, and media analysis from 2019 to 2022. Secondary sources encompass studies from the fields of political science, economics, and health policy. This methodological approach enables a holistic understanding of the pandemic’s multifaceted consequences. Emphasis is placed on tracing the transformation of key sectors (e.g., sports, philosophy, urban governance, demographic shifts) and on identifying patterns that demonstrate how the pandemic altered international norms and political dynamics. Results and Discussion The findings of this study demonstrate that COVID-19 acted as a systemic disruptor, altering not only healthcare systems but also the dynamics of the global political economy. National borders proved insufficient in containing the pandemic, revealing a pressing need for stronger international collaboration. The virus redefined security to include public health and prompted states to reassess their priorities. In regions like the Middle East, the pandemic intensified preexisting vulnerabilities—affecting refugee populations, weakening state institutions, and exacerbating political tensions. Globally, the pandemic reshaped labor markets, reduced economic productivity, and contributed to social unrest. The pandemic also accelerated digitization and reliance on technology, while simultaneously exposing digital divides and infrastructural inequalities. The European Union witnessed challenges to solidarity as member states pursued self-interested responses before returning to coordinated strategies. The arts and philosophical discourse responded with critiques of consumerism and reflections on mortality and collective responsibility. The pandemic’s reach extended even into international security policy, as some states curtailed civil liberties under the guise of public health, raising questions about authoritarian drift. Collectively, these findings reveal how a health crisis evolved into a political and economic transformation, reshaping global order in unexpected ways. Conclusions and Suggestions. The paper concludes that future pandemics may provoke even deeper systemic changes, depending on whether states and global actors learn from the COVID-19 experience or return to the status quo. This moment represents a critical juncture for global governance—either toward greater international cooperation or deeper fragmentation. As the world navigates the aftermath, the COVID-19 pandemic serves as a stark reminder of humanity’s shared vulnerabilities and the political imperative of solidarity across nations در آستانه قرن بیستم، شیوع ویروس کرونا نشانگر بروز یِک بحران جدید در عرصه زندگی جمعی است که بسیاری از معانی و جلوه-های زندگی اجتماعی انسان را در عرصه‌های داخلی و بین‌المللی دستخوش دگرگونی کرده است. اگرچه جهان تا پیش از این، با بحران‌های گوناگون (گرم شدن هوا، ذوب شدن یخ‌های قطبی، جاری شدن سیلاب‌ها، به‌زیرآب رفتن زمین‌های کشاورزی، کمبود مواد غذایی، مهاجرت، بیکاری، پناهندگی، سلاح‌های کشتار جمعی، تروریسم، فاجعه‌های طبیعی، گسترش فقر) روبه‌رو بوده است. اما شیوع کووید- 19، از نظر گستره تأثیرگذاری چشم‌انداز دیگری برای حال و آینده جامعه بشری گشود. با وقوع همه‌گیری، بهداشت عمومی و ثبات سیاسی ارتباط یافتند و بر یکدیگر تأثیر گذاشتند. این تأثیرگذاری در طیفی از سطوح داخلی و بین‌المللی، و نیز حوزه‌های سیاسی و اقتصادی قابل مشاهده و بحث و بررسی بود. بررسی‌ها نشان می‌دهد حوزه‌هایی همچون صنعت ورزش، سلامت اجتماعی، فلسفه و کلام، مدیریت شهری، شاخه‌های مختلف هنر، جغرافیای سیاسی و اقتصادی، مسائل مناطق اتحادیه اروپا و خاورمیانه، و ساختار جمعیتی، هر یک تأثیراتی پذیرفته، و تحولاتی را از سر گذرانده‌اند. هرچند ارزیابی دقیق آثار و پیامدهای بحران کرونا بر اقتصاد سیاسی بین‌الملل، نیازمند زمان بیشتری است، پژوهش حاضر می‌کوشد با بهره‌گیری از روش توصیفی-تبیینی، پیامدهای آن را در عرصه‌های مختلف زندگی جمعی مورد بررسی و تحلیل قرار دهد.

https://interpolitics.guilan.ac.ir/article_7052_11ddae3aadba156275d0cbf0b65884ab.pdf

دانشگاه گیلان (با مشارکت انجمن ایرانی روابط بین الملل) سیاست جهانی 2383-0123 13 4 2024 12 21 The Prospects of Iraq’s Nuclear Energy Development under the International Regime for the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons چشم‌انداز توسعه انرژی هسته‌ای عراق در پرتو رژیم بین‌المللی منع اشاعه و تکثیر سلاح‌های هسته‌ای 233 260 8996 10.22124/wp.2025.31486.3578 FA کرار حیدر موجد مشهدی دانشجوی دکتری روابط بین الملل، گروه علوم سیاسی و روابط بین‌الملل، واحد اصفهان (خوراسگان)، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، اصفهان، ایران 0009-0009-5053-7061 بشیر اسماعیلی گنهرانی استادیارگروه علوم سیاسی و روابط بین الملل، واحد شهرضا، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، شهرضا، ایران 0000-0002-6286-597X حیدر فوزی صادق الغزی استادیار گروه علوم سیاسى نظام های سیاسی و سیاست های عمومی ، دانشگاه کربلا، کربلا، عراق. محمدرضا اقارب پرست استادیار گروه علوم سیاسی و روابط بین الملل، واحد شهرضا، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، شهرضا، ایران. Journal Article 2025 08 24 In recent decades, states’ interest in developing nuclear energy has significantly increased in the international system. The importance of nuclear energy across diverse sectors, including medicine, agriculture, the environment, and especially electricity generation, has been a key driver for countries to invest in nuclear technology. Simultaneously, international treaties, notably the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT), and the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) as a supervisory body, play a central role in managing nuclear energy development and preventing state access to nuclear weapons. Post-Saddam Iraq, through the establishment of the Iraqi Atomic Energy Commission in 2016, took a substantial step toward accessing nuclear energy. Nevertheless, Iraq’s nuclear program faces limitations. Findings indicate that international restrictions under treaties, particularly the NPT, constitute the main impediment to Iraq’s nuclear energy development. Moreover, the perceived threats associated with Iraq’s nuclear program during the Baath era have heightened international sensitivity. This study adopts a descriptive-analytical approach using library and online resources to investigate these constraints. Introduction The global resurgence of interest in nuclear energy has reshaped the international energy and security landscape over the past decades. States across diverse regions increasingly view nuclear technology as a critical component of their national development strategies, not only for its role in power generation but also for its applications in medicine, agriculture, industry, and environmental protection. Nuclear energy has thus become a dual-faceted issue: a driver of sustainable energy transitions and a source of geopolitical tension due to its potential linkages with weapons development. Against this background, international institutions and regimes, most notably the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons and the International Atomic Energy Agency, have sought to regulate the peaceful use of nuclear energy while simultaneously constraining proliferation risks. Iraq presents a particularly complex case within this global debate. After decades of conflict, sanctions, and the dismantling of its earlier nuclear ambitions under the Ba’ath regime, Iraq has recently sought to revive nuclear technology for peaceful purposes. The establishment of the Iraqi Atomic Energy Commission in the post-2016 period signals a strategic shift aimed at diversifying energy resources, enhancing food and health security, and reducing reliance on fossil fuels. Yet, Iraq’s nuclear trajectory is constrained by structural, historical, and political factors that differentiate it from other emerging nuclear energy states. Historical legacies of mistrust stemming from Iraq’s former clandestine programs continue to shape international perceptions. Simultaneously, the complex web of international treaties and security concerns imposes external constraints on Iraq’s nuclear policy. This study situates Iraq’s nuclear ambitions within the broader international non-proliferation framework and investigates the key obstacles it faces in translating policy intent into operational capability. By examining Iraq’s domestic initiatives, legal frameworks, and international engagements, the research contributes to a deeper understanding of the tension between sovereign energy ambitions and the global non-proliferation regime. Theoretical Framework The research is grounded in international regime theory, which emphasizes the role of institutions, norms, and treaties in shaping state behavior in issue areas characterized by interdependence and collective security concerns. In the nuclear field, regimes such as the Non-Proliferation Treaty, the International Atomic Energy Agency safeguards system, and related agreements embody a complex network of obligations and monitoring mechanisms that constrain national autonomy. By distinguishing between nuclear-weapon and non-nuclear-weapon states, the Non-Proliferation Treaty institutionalizes a hierarchical system that both restricts proliferation and promises access to peaceful nuclear technology. Within this framework, Iraq is formally entitled to pursue nuclear energy for peaceful purposes but remains subject to stringent safeguards and international oversight. The legacy of Iraq’s previous violations under the Ba’athist regime further amplifies the salience of regime constraints, making Iraq’s nuclear policy a test case for the resilience of global non-proliferation norms. The application of regime theory highlights how international institutions can both enable and restrict access to nuclear technology, illustrating the tension between sovereignty and global governance. Methodology This study employs a descriptive–analytical approach that combines a review of international treaties, legal documents, and institutional reports with an examination of secondary scholarly literature. Data have been collected primarily from library resources, international organization archives, and online databases. By applying qualitative analysis, the study identifies patterns in Iraq’s nuclear policy trajectory and evaluates the interplay between domestic initiatives and international constraints. This methodological framework allows for a balanced assessment of Iraq’s opportunities and limitations in nuclear energy development. Results and Discussion Iraq’s pursuit of nuclear energy in the post-Saddam era reflects a strategic response to energy insecurity, environmental challenges, and the need for technological modernization. Domestically, the establishment of the Atomic Energy Commission, the passing of legislation, and efforts to build institutional capacity represent significant steps toward re-establishing nuclear infrastructure. Iraq’s engagement with the International Atomic Energy Agency, particularly through technical cooperation agreements covering medicine, agriculture, waste management, and reactor decommissioning, indicates a deliberate attempt to align with global norms and reassure the international community of its peaceful intentions. However, several obstacles undermine Iraq’s ambitions. First, international skepticism rooted in historical experiences with Iraq’s clandestine programs under the Ba’ath regime has produced a persistent atmosphere of distrust. This constrains Iraq’s ability to secure advanced technology transfers and investment partnerships. Second, the structural requirements of nuclear development—ranging from financial resources to skilled human capital and technological infrastructure—pose formidable challenges for a country still grappling with political instability and post-conflict reconstruction. Third, the global non-proliferation regime imposes layered restrictions, ensuring that Iraq’s nuclear activities remain under rigorous monitoring. While these mechanisms are designed to prevent diversion toward military uses, they also slow down Iraq’s capacity-building and create dependency on international assistance. Despite these challenges, Iraq’s active participation in international forums such as Atomexpo signals a determination to engage with global nuclear stakeholders, including Russia, China, and European partners. Such engagement highlights Iraq’s attempt to balance its domestic aspirations with external oversight. Ultimately, Iraq’s nuclear program is shaped by the interplay between sovereign developmental goals and the normative structures of the non-proliferation regime, making its trajectory both cautious and contested. Conclusions and Suggestions. The Iraqi case underscores the broader dilemmas faced by states seeking to expand peaceful nuclear energy under the shadow of restrictive international regimes and legacies of mistrust. While Iraq has taken meaningful steps to reestablish its nuclear sector, including institutional reforms, legislative frameworks, and international partnerships, its progress remains constrained by external suspicion and internal capacity deficits. The study reveals that Iraq’s nuclear ambitions are not merely a technical or energy issue but a deeply political process shaped by history, regime structures, and international security concerns. On the one hand, nuclear energy offers Iraq a pathway to diversify its energy mix, reduce reliance on fossil fuels, and expand benefits in medicine, agriculture, and industry. On the other hand, the persistent association of Iraq with past proliferation activities has created enduring barriers that cannot be easily dismantled. Moving forward, Iraq’s success will depend on building long-term trust with the international community, strengthening regulatory transparency, and securing diversified partnerships with established nuclear powers. At the same time, the international regime must reconcile the tension between enabling access to peaceful nuclear technology and preventing proliferation, ensuring that states like Iraq are not indefinitely marginalized. The case of Iraq thus exemplifies the complex balance between sovereignty and global governance, highlighting both the promises and pitfalls of nuclear energy development under the current non-proliferation order در چند دهه اخیر، گرایش دولت‌ها به توسعه انرژی هسته‌ای در نظام بین‌الملل به‌طور چشمگیری افزایش یافته است. اهمیت انرژی هسته‌ای در حوزه‌های مختلفی همچون پزشکی، کشاورزی، محیط زیست و به‌ویژه تولید انرژی برق، نقش کلیدی در انگیزه کشورهای مختلف برای سرمایه‌گذاری در فناوری‌های هسته‌ای ایفا کرده است. همزمان، معاهدات بین‌المللی از جمله پیمان منع گسترش سلاح‌های هسته‌ای و آژانس بین‌المللی انرژی اتمی به‌عنوان نهاد نظارتی، نقش محوری در مدیریت توسعه انرژی هسته‌ای و جلوگیری از دستیابی کشورها به سلاح هسته‌ای داشته‌اند. عراق نیز در دوره پساصدام با تأسیس سازمان انرژی اتمی در سال ۲۰۱۶ گامی مهم برای دستیابی به انرژی هسته‌ای برداشته است. با این حال، توسعه برنامه هسته‌ای عراق با محدودیت‌هایی مواجه است. یافته‌های این پژوهش نشان می‌دهد که محدودیت‌های بین‌المللی در چارچوب پیمان‌ها و معاهدات، به‌ویژه پیمان منع گسترش سلاح‌های هسته‌ای، مهم‌ترین عامل بازدارنده توسعه انرژی هسته‌ای عراق محسوب می‌شوند. علاوه بر این، برداشت‌های تهدیدآمیز از برنامه هسته‌ای دوران حزب بعث حساسیت جامعه بین‌المللی نسبت به این برنامه را افزایش داده است. این تحقیق با رویکرد توصیفی-تحلیلی و با بهره‌گیری از منابع کتابخانه‌ای انجام شده است.

https://interpolitics.guilan.ac.ir/article_8996_234a629db5bc8ac29bceabc796391404.pdf

دانشگاه گیلان (با مشارکت انجمن ایرانی روابط بین الملل) سیاست جهانی 2383-0123 13 4 2024 12 21 Jan Assmann and the deification of the political matter یان آسمن و الهی سازی امر سیاسی 261 282 9006 10.22124/wp.2025.31514.3579 FA محمد رضا انصاری گروه علوم سیاسی،واحد تبریز،دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی،تبریز،ایران. علیرضا اسمعیل زاد گروه علوم سیاسی،واحد تبریز،دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی،تبریز،ایران احسان شاکری خویی گروه فلسفه،واحد تبریز ،دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی ،تبریز ،ایران. سید ابراهیم آقا زاده گروه فلسفه،واحد تبریز ،دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی ،تبریز ،ایران Journal Article 2025 08 27 Studies in the field of political theology are becoming more and more widespread, and the question of the nature and essence of this branch, as well as the process of historical developments and the genealogy of the works that the central thoughts of this issue leave in different societies, remains one of the key issues. Therefore, analyzing the different perspectives of scholars in the field of political theology and recognizing the dimensions and angles of the theories proposed in this field is of great importance and necessity. Accordingly, this article examines the perspective of "Jan Assmann", a German thinker in the field of political theology, and his thesis of "the deification of the political". Assmann takes a position against the perspective of modern secularization of Carl Schmitt, proposing Mousavi's monotheism and with the aim of establishing a revolution in political theology. Based on a brief analysis of Asman's interpretation of Egyptian religion, it becomes clear that he has a special understanding of political affairs that he considers separate from theology. Introduction The study of political theology has long been concerned with the relationship between religion and politics, specifically addressing questions about the source, legitimacy, and exercise of political power. Throughout history, political authority has often drawn on religious justification, while religious institutions have simultaneously sought political influence. The modern conceptualization of “political theology” was initially introduced not as a reaffirmation of religion’s political role but as a critique of its influence on politics. In this regard, Carl Schmitt, the influential German jurist, played a central role in shaping modern debates through his theory of secularization, claiming that core political concepts are secularized theological concepts. Schmitt’s work has been highly controversial, sparking significant scholarly debate within political theology. Jan Assmann, a contemporary German scholar of Egyptology and religious studies, emerges as one of Schmitt’s most prominent critics. Assmann challenges Schmitt’s notion of secularization and instead proposes the concept of “theologization of the political.” He argues that theology is not the foundation from which politics derives but rather a secondary phenomenon shaped by political needs. Drawing on his studies of ancient Egyptian religion, Assmann distinguishes between “primary religion” and “secondary religion.” In doing so, he emphasizes the role of religion as a structural response to political and social order rather than as the original source of sovereignty. His alternative interpretation suggests that political legitimacy and structural transformation are deeply influenced by shifts in theological meaning rather than by secularization in the Schmittian sense.This article critically examines Assmann’s theoretical position in contrast to Schmitt’s secularization thesis. By analyzing Assmann’s reflections on ancient Egyptian religion, the study highlights how the conceptual separation between theology and politics generates a new perspective on legitimacy, structural transformation, and the friend–enemy distinction. Furthermore, the article discusses the implications of Assmann’s theory, explores its critical reception, and evaluates the broader significance of his approach within contemporary debates on political theology. Theoretical Framework The theoretical foundation of this article rests on two major contributions to political theology: Carl Schmitt’s secularization thesis and Jan Assmann’s theologization of politics. Schmitt argued that the political concepts underpinning modern statehood are derived from secularized theological notions, such as sovereignty reflecting divine omnipotence. For Schmitt, the friend–enemy distinction is the defining characteristic of the political, rooted in theological metaphors and legitimized through sovereign decisionism. In contrast, Assmann situates religion as a construct that emerges in response to political necessity, rather than its foundation. He introduces the distinction between primary religion (the embedded, mythological, and ritual practices tied to collective identity) and secondary religion (the reflective, normative, and universalizing dimensions tied to governance and political authority). This framework reverses Schmitt’s model by proposing that political structures generate theological formulations, leading to the “theologization of the political.”By applying this theoretical framework, the article explores how Assmann reinterprets political legitimacy and structural transformation, particularly in his analysis of ancient Egyptian religion. The comparative tension between Schmitt and Assmann serves as the analytical lens for evaluating contemporary debates about sovereignty, legitimacy, and the interdependence of religion and politics. Methodology This study employs a qualitative, interpretive methodology based on textual and comparative analysis. Primary sources include Jan Assmann’s writings on religion, monotheism, and political theology, as well as Carl Schmitt’s seminal works Political Theology and Political Theology II. Secondary sources consist of critical commentaries and scholarly debates addressing the theological-political nexus. By conducting a conceptual comparison of Schmitt’s secularization thesis and Assmann’s theologization of the political, the article identifies key points of convergence, divergence, and reinterpretation. This hermeneutic approach facilitates a contextualized understanding of how political and religious categories interact across historical and philosophical frameworks. Results and Discussion The comparative analysis of Schmitt and Assmann underscores two fundamentally different trajectories in understanding the political-theological nexus. Schmitt views theology as the historical foundation of political thought, arguing that the core concepts of sovereignty and state authority are transpositions of divine attributes into secular political order. In this sense, the political domain is permanently marked by theological residues. His theory of secularization has become a central reference point in debates on modernity, sovereignty, and the limits of political authority. Assmann, however, contests this paradigm by introducing the theologization thesis. His research on ancient Egypt reveals that politics and religion were initially distinct but interconnected domains. Political structures did not emerge out of theology; instead, theology was developed as a tool to sustain political order. This reinterpretation problematizes Schmitt’s assumption that theological origins underpin all modern political categories. For Assmann, political legitimacy derives from differentiation, particularly the distinction between primary and secondary religion, which reflects shifts in how societies codify authority and transcendence. A critical dimension of this debate concerns the concept of the friend–enemy distinction. Whereas Schmitt posits it as the defining feature of political identity, Assmann reinterprets it through the lens of ancient Egyptian structures, suggesting that the construction of political legitimacy was more concerned with structural transformation and symbolic codification than with antagonism. This divergence highlights the implications of moving beyond Schmitt’s Eurocentric and juridical framework toward a historically grounded, cross-cultural approach to political theology. Furthermore, Assmann’s proposal of Mosaic monotheism as a revolutionary model offers a significant departure from Schmitt’s secularization thesis. By emphasizing how monotheism reshaped both religious and political orders, Assmann argues for a new theological-political framework capable of redefining legitimacy and authority. Nevertheless, his position has faced criticism for oversimplifying the relationship between religion and politics, and for underestimating the enduring entanglement between the sacred and the political. Ultimately, this discussion illuminates a broader tension within political theology: whether politics secularizes theological concepts, as Schmitt claims, or whether theology emerges as a political construction, as Assmann suggests. Conclusions and Suggestions. This article concludes that Jan Assmann’s theory of the theologization of the political provides a compelling alternative to Carl Schmitt’s secularization thesis. Whereas Schmitt argued that political concepts are derivative of secularized theological notions, Assmann reverses this logic, suggesting that theology is itself a political invention designed to stabilize and legitimize authority. His distinction between primary and secondary religion illustrates how shifts in religious meaning correspond to political restructuring, particularly in the context of ancient Egyptian governance. The implications of Assmann’s argument are significant for contemporary political theology. By decentering Schmitt’s Eurocentric framework and emphasizing the historical variability of political-religious relations, Assmann opens new pathways for analyzing legitimacy and sovereignty beyond the confines of secularization theory. His emphasis on Mosaic monotheism as a revolutionary theological-political paradigm challenges conventional interpretations and underscores the transformative potential of religious frameworks in shaping political order. Nevertheless, Assmann’s perspective is not without limitations. Critics argue that his analysis risks underestimating the enduring theological dimensions of politics and overlooks the ways in which religious concepts continue to permeate modern political structures. The tension between Schmitt and Assmann thus remains unresolved, but their dialogue enriches the field by expanding the conceptual boundaries of political theology. In conclusion, the study affirms that Assmann’s reinterpretation of political theology does not merely reject Schmitt’s thesis but reconstructs the debate around the relationship between politics and religion. By situating theology as a secondary but formative response to political necessity, Assmann redefines the scope of political theology and invites renewed reflection on how legitimacy, sovereignty, and authority are constructed across historical and cultural contexts. ... مطالعات در حوزه الهیات سیاسی روز به روز گسترده‌تر می‌شود، سوال درباره ماهیت و ذات این شاخه، و نیز روند سیر تحولات تاریخی و تبار شناسی آثاری که تفکرات محوری این مهم در جوامع مختلف برجای می‌گذاردیکی از مسائل کلیدی باقی مانده است. از این رو تحلیل دیدگاه‌های مختلف اندیشمندان حوزه الهیات سیاسی و شناخت ابعاد و زوایای نظریات مطرح در این زمینه از اهمیت و ضرورت بسیاری برخوردار است. بر همین اساس این مقاله به بررسی دیدگاه «یان آسمن»، اندیشمند آلمانی در حوزه الهیات سیاسی و تز «الهی سازی امر سیاسی» وی می‌پردازیم. آسمن در مقابل دیدگاه سکولاریزاسیون مدرن کارل اشمیت، با پیشنهاد مونوتئیسم موسوی و با هدف برپایی انقلابی در الهیات سیاسی، موضع‌گیری می‌کند. بر اساس تحلیل اجمالی از تفسیر آسمن درباره دین مصر، مشخص می‌شود که او برداشت ویژه‌ای از امور سیاسی دارد که آن را از الهیات جدا می‌داند، این موضوع منجر به طرح یک بحث جدید درباره نظریه آسمن می‌شود و درک تفاوت او درباره مفهوم تمایز میان دوست و دشمن از نگاه اشمیت، و همچنین چگونگی انحراف ساختار سیاسی مصر باستان، را ضروری می‌سازد.

https://interpolitics.guilan.ac.ir/article_9006_e773847cbd450d73b7d6ea7211dc5215.pdf

دانشگاه گیلان (با مشارکت انجمن ایرانی روابط بین الملل) سیاست جهانی 2383-0123 13 4 2024 12 21 Asymmetric Effects of Oil Rents, Gas Production, and Gas Flaring on Iran’s Economic Growth under the Paris Agreement تحلیل اثرات نامتقارن رانت نفتی، تولید گاز و مشعل‌سوزی بر رشد اقتصادی ایران در پرتو توافقنامه پاریس 283 309 9108 10.22124/wp.2025.31588.3584 FA محبوبه بزرگی منش دانشجوى دکترى گروه اقتصاد نفت و گاز، واحد مرودشت، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، مرودشت، ایران. 0009-0009-0817-5685 سید‎نعمت الله ‎موسوی‎ استاد گروه اقتصاد کشاورزی، واحد مرودشت، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، مرودشت، ایران. مهرداد مرادی استادیارگروه اقتصاد کشاورزی، واحد یاسوج، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، یاسوج، ایران. Journal Article 2025 09 03 This study examines the asymmetric effects of oil rent, gas production, and gas flaring on economic growth in Iran, an energy-dependent country committed to the Paris Agreement. For this purpose, time series data from 1990 to 2023 and a nonlinear, self-explanatory model with large lags (NARDL) were used. The main objective of this study is to analyze the difference in the positive and negative effects of these key energy variables on economic growth in the short and long term horizons, which were examined linearly and symmetrically in many previous studies. The results of the long-run relationship estimation showed that capital accumulation has a positive and significant effect on economic growth, while increasing trade liberalization is associated with a 2.87 percent decrease in economic growth, which probably indicates the vulnerability of the economy to imports and the lack of diversification of the Iranian economy. The most important finding is the existence of strong asymmetric effects in the oil rent and gas production variables. For oil rents, a decrease in oil revenues (negative shock) has a strong positive effect on economic growth in the long run with a coefficient of 1.503. Introduction Development strategies in many countries emphasize the exploitation of natural resources such as minerals, oil, and natural gas. However, empirical evidence shows that while resource endowments may be a necessary condition for growth, they are not sufficient on their own. Gas flaring refers to the burning of gases associated with oil and gas extraction. For several decades, flaring has been carried out in oil fields, releasing large amounts of environmental pollutants such as methane and black carbon into the atmosphere. Since 2015, with the adoption of the Paris Agreement and the global initiative of 'Zero Routine Flaring by 2030,' attention to the issue of gas flaring has increased worldwide. As a signatory to the Paris Agreement, Iran has also committed to reduce emissions by 4% (unconditional reduction) or 12% (conditional reduction) below business as usual (BAU) by 2030. This study allows for a disaggregated analysis of the economy’s responses to both increases and decreases in energy variables. By incorporating comprehensive control variables—including trade, population, and capital accumulation—the model gains both explanatory depth and methodological robustness. In doing so, the study contributes to a more nuanced understanding of the complex interactions between natural resources and economic growth in resource-dependent economies. Theoretical Framework The relationship between resource abundance, particularly oil rents, and economic growth has long been a subject of debate in development economics. The relationship between natural resource abundance—particularly oil rents—and economic growth has long been debated in development economics. Natural resource extraction produces dual effects: it increases national income, but it may also accelerate deindustrialization by diverting investment toward the resource sector. This process fosters rent-seeking behavior and corruption, undermining long-term economic performance.Although crude oil production holds the potential for prosperity and inclusive growth, empirical evidence indicates that resource-dependent economies often grow more slowly than resource-scarce ones. For example, Itoua et al (2021) found that in Congo, gas production was negatively associated with growth, whereas gas flaring had a positive effect. Okoye et al. (2022), using an ARDL model for Nigeria, showed that oil rents, gas flaring, and fossil fuel production exerted positive and significant long-term effects on growth.Other studies also highlight the diverse channels through which energy shocks influence growth. Hou et al. (2023) and Bashir (2022) found that oil price declines reduced growth in government-dependent sectors such as industry and agriculture, while less dependent sectors like services and transportation were less affected. Alola et al. (2023) reported that environmental degradation was linked to rising economic growth, gas flaring, energy exports, and urbanization, while economic growth has been found to contribute to higher levels of gas flaring in both Iran and the United States.. Methodology This study is grounded in the neoclassical growth framework, particularly the Cobb–Douglas production function (Cobb & Douglas, 1928) and the Solow growth model (Solow, 1956). Building on prior studies (Itoua et al., 2021; Okoye et al., 2022), the empirical model is specified to capture both short-run and long-run asymmetries in the effects of oil rents, gas production, and gas flaring on economic growth. Annual time-series data spanning 1990–2023 were obtained from the World Bank for Iran. All econometric analyses were conducted using the NARDL approach within the EViews 13 software package.. Results and Discussion The findings reveal several important patterns. First, asymmetric effects of oil rents are evident: while positive shocks to oil rents are statistically insignificant, negative shocks (declines in oil revenues) significantly and positively affect economic growth. This paradoxical outcome may reflect structural features of resource-dependent economies, where downturns in oil income pressure governments to implement reforms, diversify revenues, and curb rent-seeking behavior.Second, changes in gas production—whether increases or decreases—exert a positive and nearly symmetric effect on growth, highlighting the central role of gas in Iran’s econom Third, gas flaring shows a positive and significant long-term relationship with economic growth. This association likely gas flaring does not, in itself, contribute to economic growth; rather, it serves as an indicator of extensive exploration and production activities in the oil and gas sector that coincide with periods of economic expansion.. Conclusions and Suggestions This article concludes that Jan Assmann’s theory of the theologization of the political provides a compelling alternative to Carl Schmitt’s secularization thesis. Whereas Schmitt argued that political concepts are derivative of secularized theological notions, Assmann reverses this logic, suggesting that theology is itself a political invention designed to stabilize and legitimize authority. His distinction between primary and secondary religion illustrates how shifts in religious meaning correspond to political restructuring, particularly in the context of ancient Egyptian governance. The implications of Assmann’s argument are significant for contemporary political theology. By decentering Schmitt’s Eurocentric framework and emphasizing the historical variability of political-religious relations, Assmann opens new pathways for analyzing legitimacy and sovereignty beyond the confines of secularization theory. His emphasis on Mosaic monotheism as a revolutionary theological-political paradigm challenges conventional interpretations and underscores the transformative potential of religious frameworks in shaping political order. Nevertheless, Assmann’s perspective is not without limitations. Critics argue that his analysis risks underestimating the enduring theological dimensions of politics and overlooks the ways in which religious concepts continue to permeate modern political structures. The tension between Schmitt and Assmann thus remains unresolved, b Based on the findings of this study, several key policy recommendations emerge: 1.Oil rents: Periods of declining oil revenues should be leveraged as opportunities to implement structural reforms, strengthen non-oil revenues, and advance economic diversification. 2.Gas production: Given its positive impact, investments in gas recovery technologies and the sustainable utilization of gas resources should be prioritized. 3.Gas flaring: Policymakers should aim to reduce flaring in line with the Paris Agreement, treating it as both an economic and environmental priority—even if short-run effects on growth appear positive. 4.Trade liberalization: Openness should be pursued cautiously, alongside supportive policies for domestic production and industry, to mitigate the risks of import dependence and unfair competition. Overall, the study underscores the importance of managing natural resource rents prudently, reducing environmentally harmful practices, and building a diversified and resilient economic structure. ... این مطالعه به بررسی اثرات نامتقارن رانت نفتی، تولید گاز و مشعل‌سوزی گاز بر رشد اقتصادی در ایران به عنوان یک کشور وابسته به منابع انرژی و متعهد به پیمان پاریس می‌پردازد. به‌همین منظور از داده‌های سری زمانی طی دوره 1990 تا 2023 و مدل خودتوضیحی با وقفه‌های گسترده غیرخطی (NARDL) استفاده شد. هدف اصلی این پژوهش، تحلیل تفاوت در اثرات مثبت و منفی این متغیرهای کلیدی انرژی بر رشد اقتصادی در افق‌های کوتاه‌مدت و بلندمدت است، که در بسیاری از مطالعات پیشین به‌صورت خطی و متقارن بررسی شدند. نتایج تخمین رابطه بلندمدت نشان داد که انباشت سرمایه تأثیر مثبت و معناداری بر رشد اقتصادی دارد، در حالی که افزایش آزادسازی تجاری با کاهش 87/2 درصدی رشد اقتصادی همراه است که احتمالاً نشان‌دهنده آسیب‌پذیری اقتصاد از واردات و عدم تنوع‌بخشی اقتصاد ایران است. مهم‌ترین یافته، وجود اثرات نامتقارن قوی در متغیرهای رانت نفتی و تولید گاز است. برای رانت نفتی، کاهش درآمد نفتی (تکانه منفی) در بلندمدت با ضریب 503/1 تأثیر مثبت و قوی بر رشد اقتصادی دارد. این نتیجه نشان می‌دهد که کاهش درآمدهای نفتی می‌تواند از طریق ایجاد فشار برای اصلاحات ساختاری و کاهش رفتارهای رانت جویانه، محرک رشد واقعی باشد.

https://interpolitics.guilan.ac.ir/article_9108_6a905ef9e887604bde7751fb0b3869f1.pdf