دانشگاه گیلان (با مشارکت انجمن ایرانی روابط بین الملل) سیاست جهانی 2383-0123 14 4 2026 02 20 The Place of Hedging in the Choice of Iran's Foreign Policy Strategy From the Safavid to the Qajar Dynasty جایگاه حفاظ‌بندی در راهبردگزینی سیاست خارجی ایران از آغاز صفویه تا پایان قاجاریه 7 29 9244 10.22124/wp.2025.31575.3583 FA روح اله طالبی آرانی نویسنده مسئول، استادیار روابط بین‌الملل، گروه سیاست جهانی و منطقه‌ای، دانشگاه شهید بهشتی، تهران، ایران. رایانامه: r_talebiarani@sbu.ac.ir Journal Article 2025 09 02 One of the main themes of empirical research in foreign policy analysis is to examine the strategies adopted by each state to advance foreign policy in the international arena. In this framework, along with alliance, neutrality, isolationism, and non-alignment, hedging is another strategy that has been used in the current international system. Thus, the article aims to illustrate whether and to what extent Iran's foreign policy has been drawing the hedging during the reign of the classical dynasties,.the method of data collection is through library and internet searches based on the use of secondary data contained in related books and articles. By utilizing the content analysis of the qualitative data contained in these texts, we seek to achieve an appropriate evaluation on the place of hedging in the history of Iranian foreign policy. The research findings indicate that none of the foreign policy strategies have given Iran a superior position in the regional and international arenas, and although dominating the strategy of alliance, Iran's foreign policy strategies came close to hedging, but they did not have all the characteristics of hedging. Introduction Foreign Policy Analysis, as one of the important subfields of international relations, has been under theoretical and empirical research. One of the topics of empirical research in this field is to examine the strategies that each state uses to pursue its foreign policy in the international arena. The international environment, public opinion, the personality of decision-makers, political culture, the type of political system, and the historical heritage of the state are among the factors that affect the selection of foreign policy strategies of states. thus, the strategy of each state in the international system is not fixed and eternal, but changes and evolves over time depending on the combination of the factors that were listed. In this framework, the study of Iran's foreign policy strategies is the subject of the present study. In doing so, the article attempts to analyze the evolution of strategy selection in Iran's foreign policy during the reign of the classical dynasties, from the Safavids to the Qajars, to identify the place of hedging in this process. Theoretical Framework Foreign policy of any state in the international system requires a strategy. Alliance, neutrality, isolationism, non-alignment and, more recently, hedging are strategies that many states in the international system use to advance their foreign policy. Alliance deals with the mutual commitment of one state to another. Neutrality is a type of foreign policy strategy by which the political independence and territorial integrity of a state are guaranteed if it refrains from using military force except in a defensive situation, joining military alliances and granting military bases to other states based on the collective agreement of the great powers and the approval of the global international organization. The strategy of non-alignment means independent decision-making, the denial of any political and economic dependence and military commitment to the poles of global power and the avoidance of bilateral or multilateral alliances and coalitions with them. Isolationism is a strategy in which the isolated state consciously avoids involvement in global affairs and avoids extensive political and economic interaction with other countries and international actors; as a result, isolationism means not accepting diplomatic and military commitments. Hedging is a strategy in which states adopt a middle position between balancing and bandwagoning; ambiguity in taking positions; diversification of international partners; flexibility/caution in the international arena; combination of positions; and finally risk management in their foreign policy. 3.Methodology The data collection method is based on library and internet searches using secondary data contained in relevant books and articles. An attempt is made to achieve an appropriate assessment on the place of hedging in the history of Iranian foreign policy by using content analysis of the qualitative data contained in these texts. Results and Discussion Iran is one of the long-standing states in the international system that has had continuous foreign relations for more than five centuries. Accordingly, the aim of this paper is to evaluate the position of hedging as a strategy in Iran's foreign policy during the reign of the classical monarchies, which includes the beginning of the rise of the Safavids to the fall of the Qajar dynasty. By studying the history of Iranian foreign policy from the rise of the Safavids to the end of the Qajar dynasty, we can observe similarities in the process of choosing foreign policy strategies: First, the main goal of pursuing these strategies has been mainly the survival of the political system, or rather, the survival of dynastic rule. Second, the main person for choosing a strategy in foreign policy has been, above all, the king himself. Third, the choice of strategy in foreign policy itself has not been a spontaneous and proactive phenomenon, but rather a reactive and even passive phenomenon, in such a way that the weight of the international environmental factors has been more than the domestic factors. Fourth, none of the foreign policy strategies have given Iran a superior position in the regional and international arenas. Among them, alliance has also been the most enduring strategy, so that if dynastic monarchy has been the axis of regulating domestic politics, alliance has been considered the center of gravity that gives identity to Iranian foreign policy. This is why even if at one point foreign policy has been organized based on another strategy or even if at one point Iranian foreign policy has been without a strategy or without a foreign policy due to severe weakness or lack of a central government or the all-out conflict of a territorial territory with internal and external wars, it has not been long before it has returned to the alliance strategy. Conclusions & Suggestions Although the strategy of unity and alliance prevailed in Iran's foreign policy from the beginning of the Safavid period to the end of the Qajar period, strategy of hedging can be traced at certain points in this period. During the Safavid period, during the reigns of Shah Tahmasp I and Shah Abbas the Great; during the reign of Karim Khan Zand; and during the Qajar period, during the prime ministers of Qaem-e-Maqam Farahani and Amir Kabir, Iran's foreign policy strategies came close to hedging, but they did not have all the characteristics of hedging. Iran's success and failure in advancing such strategies stemmed primarily from two factors: first, the international environment, in such a way that the calmer the international environment was, the more successful the continuation of these strategies was; second, the state of elite cohesion and national solidarity, in such a way that these two internal components acted as the supporting force for these strategies. یکی از محورهای پژوهشهای تجربی در تحلیل سیاست خارجی بررسی راهبردهایی است که سیاست خارجی هر یک از دولتها با بهره‌گیری از آنها در عرصه بین‌المللی پیش می‌رود. در این چارچوب، حفاظ‌بندی در کنار اتحادوائتلاف، بی‌طرفی، انزواطلبی، و عدم‌تعهد یک راهبرد سیاست خارجی است که در نظام بین‌الملل کنونی به کار بسته می‌شود. بر همین اساس، نوشتار حاضر می‌کوشد نشان دهد آیا و تا چه اندازه‌ای سیاست خارجی ایران در دوران حکمرانی سلسله‌های پادشاهیِ کلاسیک از راهبرد حفاظ‌بندی بهره گرفته است. نحوه گردآوری داده‌ها، به روش کتابخانه‌ای و جستجوی اینترنتی برپایه بهره‌گیری از داده‌های ثانویه مندرج در کتاب‌ها و مقاله‌های مرتبط با موضوع این نوشتار است و تلاش می‌شود با به کار بردن تحلیل محتوای داده‌های کیفیِ مندرج در این متون، بتوان به ارزیابی مناسبی درباره جایگاه حفاظ‌بندی در تاریخ سیاست خارجی ایران دست یافت. یافته‌های پژوهش نشان‌ می‌دهد که در سراسر این دوران، هیچ یک از راهبردهای سیاست خارجی جایگاهی برتر به ایران در عرصه‌های منطقه‌ای و بین‌المللی‌جهانی نبخشیده‌اند؛ از سوی دیگر، راهبرد اتحادوائتلاف در سیاست خارجی ایران چیرگی داشته و در برهه‌هایی خاص، به سبب نبوغ برخی تصمیم‌گیران، سیاست خارجی ایران به راهبرد حفاظ‌بندی نزدیک شده، ولی تمام خصلتهای حفاظ‌بندی را در خود نداشته‌ است.

https://interpolitics.guilan.ac.ir/article_9244_a30c370d503703455bfc8f6741f9f9b2.pdf

دانشگاه گیلان (با مشارکت انجمن ایرانی روابط بین الملل) سیاست جهانی 2383-0123 14 4 2026 02 20 The Place of Fear in International Political Theory: With a Focus on the Views of Huntington and Brzezinski جایگاه ترس در نظریه سیاسی بین‌المللی ؛با تمرکز بر دیدگاه هانتینگتون و برژینسکی 31 53 9424 10.22124/wp.2026.31334.3565 FA محمدتقی قزلسفلی نویسنده مسئول، استاد علوم سیاسی، گروه علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه مازندران، مازندران، ایران M.t.ghezel@gmail.com سیده معصومه حسینی دانشجوی دکتری علوم سیاسی، گروه علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه تربیت مدرس، تهران، ایرانmasoumeh.hosseini@modares.ac.ir فرشته اعلائی دانش آموخته ارشد روابط بین الملل، گروه علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه مازندران، مازندران، ایرانfrshthlayy49@gmail.com Journal Article 2025 08 06 Fear plays a decisive role in explaining political action in the contemporary international system as a central mechanism in developing threat perception. This study adopts an analytical-comparative approach and uses library research to examine the position and function of the “mechanism of fear” in the thought of Zbigniew Brzezinski and Samuel Huntington. The primary question is how fear is conceptualized within the theoretical framework of each thinker, at what level it is analyzed, and what behavioral consequences it entails when confronting emerging threats. The findings show that Brzezinski primarily formulates fear within the context of geopolitical competition and the anarchy of the international system, linking it to rational strategies such as the balance of power and deterrence. By contrast, Huntington conceives fear as an identity-based phenomenon, explaining its consequences in terms of identity politics and civilizational confrontation, focusing on cultural and civilizational conflicts. Overall, in both perspectives, fear constitutes a key mechanism for understanding and managing new threats. Introduction The emergence of new forms of threat has rendered contemporary international politics increasingly dependent on cognitive and conceptual mechanisms through which actors interpret security and insecurity. Meanwhile, fear functions as a central organizing force in global politics. It operates as a psychological response to external dangers and an analytical mechanism through which meaning is produced, threats are defined, and political action is directed. This study examines the role of fear in international politics through a comparative analysis of two influential theoretical frameworks: Zbigniew Brzezinski’s geopolitical approach and Samuel Huntington’s theory of the clash of civilizations. The central question concerns how fear is generated within each framework, the level or unit to which it is directed, and the implications it carries for responding to emerging threats. The study hypothesizes that divergences in the underlying mechanisms of fear between these two perspectives have produced distinct and, at times, competing interpretations of global politics. Methodology This study employs a qualitative-comparative approach based on examining Brzezinski’s and Huntington’s core theoretical works, along with relevant secondary interpretations. The comparative framework is structured around three analytical dimensions: the source of fear, the primary unit of analysis, and the political and behavioral consequences associated with fear. This structure is deliberately designed to move beyond a descriptive juxtaposition of theoretical differences and to focus instead on the internal mechanisms through which fear is generated and put to use. Within this framework, fear is treated as a conceptual variable embedded in the structure of the international system, collective identities, and patterns of political action. The comparative method makes it possible to examine, in a systematic and comparable manner, how each theory explains emerging threats and how fear operates within its analytical logic. Results and Discussion The comparative analysis shows that, within Brzezinski’s theoretical framework, fear stems from the anarchy of the international system and competition among great powers. States constitute the primary unit of analysis, while strategic geography plays a decisive role in generating fear. Concerns over strategic decline, rival expansion, and instability in critical regions function as mechanisms through which fear is translated into political action. This form of fear results in policies centered on the balance of power, alliance formation, and preemptive strategies to manage emerging threats. Even phenomena such as terrorism or regional instability are ultimately interpreted through the logic of geopolitical rivalry. By contrast, Huntington’s theory conceptualizes fear as fundamentally identity-based. Here, its source lies not in material power structures but in cultural, value-based, and civilizational differences. The unit of analysis extends beyond states to civilizations and cultural fault lines. The civilizational “other” occupies a central position, and fear of confrontation with it is treated as the primary driver of future conflict. This mechanism leads to the acculturalization of conflict, the strengthening of identity politics, and the redefinition of security boundaries, whereby emerging threats are understood mainly as cultural and symbolic confrontations rather than purely strategic competitions. Conclusion The study concludes that fear plays a structural role in both theories of global politics, though its nature and function differ. Brzezinski’s geopolitical fear is more rational, calculable, and oriented toward power management, whereas Huntington’s identity-based fear is deeper, more pervasive, and less amenable to control through conventional foreign policy instruments. This distinction indicates that modern international threats emerge not only from power competition or identity conflict, but also from their interaction. Research Contributions The central contribution of this study lies in foregrounding fear as an analytical variable in theoretical comparison. By focusing on fear, the research offers a deeper understanding of how threat perceptions are formed in international relations theory. Moreover, by linking Huntington’s notion of the “civilizational Other” to Brzezinski’s geopolitical logic, the study enriches comparative global politics and proposes a conceptual framework for analyzing emerging threats. ترس، به‌عنوان یکی از سازوکارهای محوری در شکل‌گیری ادراک تهدید، نقشی تعیین‌کننده در تبیین کنش سیاسی در نظام بین‌الملل معاصر ایفا می‌کند. پژوهش حاضر با رویکردی تحلیلی–تطبیقی و با اتکا به روش مطالعه کتابخانه‌ای، به بررسی جایگاه و کارکرد «مکانیسم ترس» در اندیشه زبیگنیف برژینسکی و ساموئل هانتینگتون می‌پردازد. پرسش اصلی آن است که ترس در چارچوب نظری هر یک از این دو متفکر چه منشأیی دارد، در چه سطحی تحلیل می‌شود و چه پیامدهای رفتاری در مواجهه با تهدیدات نوین به همراه دارد. یافته‌ها نشان می‌دهد برژینسکی ترس را عمدتاً در بستر رقابت ژئوپلیتیکی و آنارشی نظام بین‌الملل صورت‌بندی کرده و آن را به راهبردهای عقلانی مانند موازنه قدرت و بازدارندگی پیوند می‌زند. در مقابل، هانتینگتون با تمرکز بر تعارض‌های فرهنگی و تمدنی، ترس را پدیده‌ای هویتی تلقی کرده و پیامد آن را در قالب سیاست‌های هویتی و منازعات تمدنی تبیین می‌کند. در مجموع، ترس در هر دو دیدگاه، مکانیسمی کلیدی در فهم و مدیریت تهدیدات نوین محسوب می‌شود.

https://interpolitics.guilan.ac.ir/article_9424_5de19e35d7dde565ef8105c52871e29e.pdf

دانشگاه گیلان (با مشارکت انجمن ایرانی روابط بین الملل) سیاست جهانی 2383-0123 14 4 2026 02 20 Economic Relations between Egypt and the United Arab Emirates (2014-2024): From Economic Diplomacy to Security Cooperation روابط اقتصادی مصر و امارات متحده عربی (2024-2014): از دیپلماسی اقتصادی تا همکاری امنیتی 55 74 9601 10.22124/wp.2026.33212.3649 FA سید عبدالامیر نبوی گروه مطالعات منطقه ای. دانشگاه تهران پرهام پوررمضان پژوهشگر. مرکز مطالعات استراتژیک خاورمیانه Journal Article 2026 04 06 Structural changes after 2014 led Egypt to adopt a new foreign strategy, with economic diplomacy as its main focus. The goal was to reduce domestic challenges by strengthening regional and trans-regional cooperation and attracting foreign investments. In the meantime, relations with the United Arab Emirates as a strategic partner became the focus of Cairo’s diplomatic efforts. This article examines the question of what tools and mechanisms Egypt’s economic diplomacy has used to promote economic cooperation with the UAE, and what achievements and benefits has this interaction brought to Egypt? The hypothesis is that Cairo, relying on active economic diplomacy and political support from the UAE, has been able to form extensive cooperation in areas such as energy, construction, and infrastructure, and in this way has met some of its economic and development needs. Ultimately, the continuation of this cooperation depends on Egypt's internal stability and the dynamism of friendly relations between the two countries, and Cairo will need to diversify its economic partners and strengthen its domestic production bases to reduce the structural vulnerability resulting from dependence on one partner. Introduction Since 2014, Egypt has undergone profound structural transformations that have reshaped its foreign policy orientation, shifting the center of gravity from traditional political alignments toward a strategy increasingly defined by economic diplomacy. Faced with mounting domestic challenges—including economic stagnation, infrastructure deficits, and the need for substantial foreign capital—Cairo sought to leverage regional partnerships as a means of securing investment and fostering developmental cooperation. Among these partnerships, the relationship with the United Arab Emirates emerged as particularly pivotal. As a strategic ally with considerable financial resources and a clear regional vision, the UAE presented itself not only as a source of direct investment but also as a political backer capable of lending credibility to Egypt's reform agenda. Over the course of a decade (2014–2024), the economic ties between the two countries deepened significantly, encompassing sectors such as energy, construction, infrastructure, and technology. This growing economic cooperation, however, did not remain confined to purely commercial or financial domains. Gradually, it began to intertwine with broader security considerations, reflecting a pattern in which economic interdependence and strategic alignment reinforced one another. The present study seeks to examine the instruments and mechanisms through which Egypt's economic diplomacy toward the UAE has operated, the tangible achievements and benefits this cooperation has brought to Cairo, and the extent to which these successes have been contingent upon Emirati political support and investment. Furthermore, it explores the structural vulnerabilities inherent in Egypt's heavy reliance on a single strategic partner and assesses the long-term sustainability of this bilateral economic-security nexus. Theoretical Framework The theoretical framework of economic interdependence, rooted in liberal international relations thought, is based on the principle that increasing the volume of trade exchanges, cross-border investments, and financial cooperation among states gradually raises the political and economic costs of rupturing relations, thereby laying the groundwork for sustainable cooperation and conflict reduction. According to this theory, the more two countries become interdependent through supply chains, joint infrastructural projects, and capital flows, the greater their incentive to maintain stability, sustain diplomacy, and avoid provocative behaviors. This framework is particularly suitable for analyzing economic relations between Egypt and the United Arab Emirates during the period 2014–2024. Throughout this decade, the UAE, through extensive investment in Egypt's energy, construction, and infrastructure sectors, effectively created a form of interdependence in which Cairo came to rely on Abu Dhabi's financial resources and political support, while Abu Dhabi, in turn, depended on Egypt's economic stability and geostrategic position as a regional balancing weight. This theory also explains why Egypt's economic diplomacy during this period transcended purely commercial cooperation and gradually extended into the security domain; any disruption in bilateral economic relations could entail significant security and political costs for both parties. However, interdependence theory also warns of vulnerabilities arising from asymmetry in the degree of dependence—an issue that holds true for Egypt, as Cairo's reliance on Emirati investment has been far greater than Abu Dhabi's dependence on Egypt's economy. 3.Methodology This research, in terms of its nature and methodology, falls within the category of qualitative research and has been conducted adopting a descriptive-analytical approach. In this regard, the authors, utilizing library resources, official documents, international reports, and qualitative content analysis of data related to Egypt-UAE relations (2014–2024), have carried out a systematic description followed by a causal and process-oriented analysis of the phenomena under investigation. The descriptive-analytical approach has made it possible first to objectively explain the current state of Egypt's economic diplomacy and the position of the UAE within it, and then, by identifying influential variables (including Emirati investments, Abu Dhabi's political support, and joint infrastructural projects), to extract the causal mechanisms governing the successes and vulnerabilities of this cooperation. This method has been particularly suitable for answering "how" and "why" questions regarding the successes of Egypt's economic diplomacy toward the UAE, enabling the researcher to go beyond mere description and achieve a deeper analysis of causal relationships and structural trends Results and Discussion The findings of this research indicate that in the period from 2014 to 2024, Egypt's economic diplomacy toward the United Arab Emirates became a key tool for reducing domestic challenges and attracting foreign investment. The volume of direct Emirati investment in Egypt witnessed remarkable growth during this decade, and joint projects expanded in the fields of energy (particularly renewable energy), construction (housing and urban infrastructure), and information technology. Abu Dhabi's unconditional political support, along with the establishment of stable legal frameworks by Cairo, enhanced mutual trust and paved the way for the conclusion of major agreements. However, qualitative analysis shows that these successes have been more the result of the strategic vision and extensive investment of the UAE than of Egypt's independent initiative. In other words, Abu Dhabi, aiming to consolidate its regional influence, has supported Egypt's economic stability as a strategic priority. On the other hand, the findings suggest that economic cooperation gradually extended to security domains as well. Joint infrastructural projects and cooperation in the energy sector, in addition to their economic benefits, acquired security dimensions and led to the consolidation of strategic relations between the two countries. Nevertheless, Cairo's heavy dependence on Emirati investment has created a structural vulnerability. The continuity of this cooperation depends on Egypt's internal stability and the dynamism of bilateral relations, and to reduce this vulnerability, Cairo needs to diversify its economic partners and strengthen its domestic productive foundations. Conclusions & Suggestions In the past decade, Egypt's economic diplomacy toward the United Arab Emirates has been shaped with the aim of attracting foreign investment and strengthening trade relations. The UAE, as one of Egypt's regional strategic partners, has created extensive opportunities for advancing infrastructural and industrial projects in Egypt. Economic cooperation between the two countries has mainly focused on the fields of energy, construction, and information technology. This period bears witness to Egypt's increased role and presence in regional markets and international economic interactions. From 2014 to 2024, the volume of direct Emirati investments in Egypt witnessed remarkable growth, and joint projects expanded in sectors such as housing, transportation, and renewable energy. Egypt's economic diplomacy was based on establishing stable legal frameworks and encouraging Emirati investors, which in turn enhanced trust and security in bilateral investment relations. Dynamic diplomatic communications between economic and trade officials also played a key role in facilitating the conclusion of agreements. The holding of joint meetings, specialized exhibitions, and exchanges of trade delegations led to the identification and operationalization of new cooperation opportunities. These interactions also facilitated the transfer of knowledge and technology between the two countries and solidified Egypt's position as a major economic hub in the region. Furthermore, over this decade, financial and banking cooperation between Egypt and the UAE expanded significantly. The opening of branches of Emirati banks in Egypt and the increase in bilateral trade volume indicate a high level of mutual trust. Egypt's economic diplomacy policies, focusing on attracting long-term investments, contributed significantly to enhancing productivity, developing the country's infrastructure, and improving the business environment. These measures played an effective role in achieving sustainable economic growth. Finally, it is worth noting that Egypt's economic diplomacy toward the UAE during the years 2014 to 2024 not only led to the consolidation of strategic relations and the expansion of trade and investment cooperation but also strengthened political and regional ties. The experience of this decade demonstrates that coherent and targeted economic diplomacy is a key factor in achieving sustainable development and attracting foreign investment. Accordingly, by drawing on the achievements of this period, Egypt has smoothed the path for its future economic progress. تحولات ساختاری پس از سال ۲۰۱۴، مصر را به سمت اتخاذ یک راهبرد خارجی نوین هدایت کرد که دیپلماسی اقتصادی محور اصلی آن بود. هدف این راهبرد، کاهش چالش‌های داخلی از طریق تقویت همکاری‌های منطقه‌ای و فرا منطقه ای و جذب سرمایه‌گذاری‌های خارجی بود. در این میان، روابط با امارات متحده عربی به‌عنوان یک شریک راهبردی در کانون تلاش‌های دیپلماتیک قاهره قرار گرفت. مقاله حاضر به بررسی این پرسش می‌پردازد که دیپلماسی اقتصادی مصر از چه ابزارها و سازوکار‌هایی برای ارتقای همکاری‌های اقتصادی با امارات بهره برده و این تعامل چه دستاوردها و منافعی را برای قاهره به ارمغان آورده است؟ فرضیه آن است که قاهره با اتکاء به دیپلماسی اقتصادی فعال و حمایت سیاسی امارات توانسته است در حوزه‌هایی همچون انرژی، ساخت‌وساز و زیرساخت، همکاری‌های گسترده‌ای شکل دهد و از این طریق بخشی از نیازهای اقتصادی و توسعه‌ای خود را برطرف سازد. در نهایت، تداوم این همکاری‌ها منوط به ثبات داخلی مصر و پویایی روابط دوستانه دو کشور است و قاهره برای کاهش آسیب‌پذیری ساختاری ناشی از وابستگی به یک شریک، نیازمند تنوع‌بخشی به شرکای اقتصادی و تقویت بنیان‌های تولید داخلی خود خواهد بود.

https://interpolitics.guilan.ac.ir/article_9601_1f8ed8ae4a88f8b72356174aa6f5dbc2.pdf

دانشگاه گیلان (با مشارکت انجمن ایرانی روابط بین الملل) سیاست جهانی 2383-0123 14 4 2026 02 20 Ontology of of World Order Change and Transformation : A Theoretical Approach هستی‌شناسی تغییر و تحولِ نظم جهانی: رویکردی نظری 9185 10.22124/wp.2025.29839.3476 FA سیدجلال دهقانی فیروزآبادی استاد روابط بین الملل، گروه روابط بین الملل، دانشگاه علامه طباطبایی، تهران، ایران 0000-0003-1055-531X فیروزه رادفر استادیار علوم سیاسی، گروه علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه پیام نور، تهران، ایران Journal Article 2025 02 14 Extensive theoretical debates and controversies have taken place in the science of international relations regarding the change and evolution of the world order. In such a way that different and even contending definitions and perceptions of the change and evolution of the global order are presented. What is the main cause of this disagreement? In response to this question, the main claim and argument of this article is that these disagreements arise from different conceptualizations and articulations of the world order and, consequently, what and how it changes and evolves. In fact, this theoretical debate is about the ontology of the world order and its change and evolution. Each theory of international relations conceptualizes and defines the change and evolution of the world order based on one of its elements and dimensions; while the change and evolution of the world order has a multi-faces and multi-dimensional nature. Understanding and explaining the change and evolution of the world order requires recognizing its nature and complex nature. مجادلات و مناظرات نظری پردامنه ای در باره تغییر و تحول نظم جهانی در دانش روابط بین الملل شکل‌گرفته است. به‌گونه-ای که، تعریف‌ها و تلقی‌های متفاوت و حتی متعارضی از تغییر و تحول نظم جهانی ارائه می‌شود. این اختلاف‌نظر معلول چیست؟ در پاسخ این پرسش، ادعا و استدلال اصلی این مقاله آن است که این اختلاف‌نظرها، از مفهوم‌پردازی و صورت-بندی متفاوت از نظم جهانی و پیرو آن چیستی و چگونگی تغییر و تحول آن نشأت می‌گیرد. در واقع این مناقشه نظری بر‌سر هستی‌شناسی نظم جهانی و تغییر و تحول آن است. هریک از نظریه‌های روابط بین‌الملل، تغییر و تحول نظم جهانی را برپایه یکی از ارکان و ابعاد آن مفهوم‌بندی و تعریف می‌کند؛ در‌حالی‌که، تغییر و تحول نظم جهانی، ماهیتی چند‌رکنی و چند-بعدی دارد. تفهم و تبیین تغییر و تحول نظم جهانی، مستلزم شناخت ماهیت و سرشت مرکب آن است. از‌این‌رو، هدف اصلی مقاله، هستی‌شناسی تغییر و تحول نظم جهانی است.

دانشگاه گیلان (با مشارکت انجمن ایرانی روابط بین الملل) سیاست جهانی 2383-0123 14 4 2026 02 20 implications of the Arab-Med Corridor for Iran: The necessity of resolving regional and international disputes using multifaceted diplomacy پیامدهای کریدور عرب-مِد برای ایران: ضرورت حل و فصل اختلافات منطقه ای و بین المللی با استفاده از دیپلماسی چند گانه 9191 10.22124/wp.2025.29401.3458 FA امیرنظام براتی دانشگاه علوم دریایی امام خمینی، گروه حقوق Journal Article 2025 01 04 In today’s world, the emergence of geopolynomic codes allows for stronger integration of the political economy of territorial connectivity networks into the geopolitics of the global system. The Arab-Med Corridor, as one of the newest geopolitical and geoeconomic initiatives in the Middle East and Mediterranean, aims to connect trade and energy flows between Arab and European states. This initiative has both direct and indirect implications for Iran regarding transit routes, energy security, and its regional geopolitical status. Legally, it raises questions about sovereignty, freedom of transit, and compatibility with international conventions. Diplomatically, the increasing convergence of Arab countries with extra-regional powers generates new challenges for Iran in regional balances. Adopting a legal-diplomatic approach, this research suggests that Iran can transform emerging risks into opportunities through “multiple diplomacy,” including regional, economic, legal, and multilateral tracks. Furthermore, strengthening alternative corridors would help preserve Iran’s strategic role in regional transit and energy frameworks. Ultimately, resolving disputes within the framework of international law and through multilateral dialogue is the most effective way to avoid deepening rivalries and enhance Iran’s standing in the evolving Middle East geopolitics. در جهان کنونی توسعه کدهای ژئوپولینومیک امکان تزریق قابل توجه‌تر اقتصاد سیاسی شبکه‌های اتصال سرزمینی را به ژئوپلیتیک نظام جهانی فراهم می‌کند. کریدور عرب–مِد به‌عنوان یکی از جدیدترین ابتکارات ژئوپلی‌تیکی و ژئواکونومیکی در منطقه خاورمیانه و مدیترانه، با هدف اتصال انرژی و تجارت کشورهای عربی و اروپایی طراحی شده است. این کریدور می‌تواند پیامدهای مستقیم و غیرمستقیمی برای ایران در حوزه‌های ترانزیت، امنیت انرژی و جایگاه ژئوپلی‌تیکی به همراه داشته باشد. از منظر حقوقی، پرسش‌هایی درباره حق حاکمیت، آزادی ترانزیت و سازگاری پروژه با کنوانسیون‌های بین‌المللی مطرح است؛ در حالی‌که از منظر دیپلماتیک، افزایش همگرایی کشورهای عربی با قدرت‌های فرامنطقه‌ای، چالش‌های جدیدی در معادلات منطقه‌ای ایجاد می‌کند. این پژوهش با رویکرد حقوقی–دیپلماتیک نشان می‌دهد که ایران می‌تواند با بهره‌گیری از «دیپلماسی چندگانه» شامل دیپلماسی منطقه‌ای، اقتصادی، حقوقی و چندجانبه، تهدیدهای این پروژه را به فرصت تبدیل کرده و با تقویت کریدورهای جایگزین، نقش خود را در معادلات ترانزیتی و انرژی منطقه حفظ کند. در نهایت، حل‌وفصل اختلافات احتمالی در چارچوب ابزارهای حقوق بین‌الملل و گفت‌وگوهای چندجانبه، بهترین راهبرد برای جلوگیری از تعمیق شکاف‌های منطقه‌ای و ارتقای موقعیت ایران در ژئوپلی‌نومی جدید خاورمیانه محسوب می‌شود.

دانشگاه گیلان (با مشارکت انجمن ایرانی روابط بین الملل) سیاست جهانی 2383-0123 14 4 2026 02 20 Analyzing the Historical-Discursive Patterns of Islamism in the Middle East واکاوی الگوهای تاریخی-گفتمانی اسلام گرایی در خاورمیانه 9306 10.22124/wp.2025.31610.3608 FA شهرام خداویسی دانشجوی دکتری علوم سیاسی - جامعه شناسی سیاسی، گروه علوم سیاسی، دانشکده علوم اجتماعی، دانشگاه رازی، کرمانشاه، ایران سید شمس‌الدین صادقی دانشیار مسائل ایران، گروه علوم سیاسی، دانشکده علوم اجتماعی، دانشگاه رازی، کرمانشاه، ایران مسعود اخوان کاظمی استاد جامعه شناسی سیاسی، گروه علوم سیاسی، دانشکده علوم اجتماعی، دانشگاه رازی، کرمانشاه، ایران Journal Article 2025 10 25 The Meddle East has been a discursive field of antagonism and otherness. The issues of economic and political development in the region have been framed in line with the interests and hegemonic stability of the historical-discursive patterns of post-colonialism. The deliberate drawing of geographical boundaries is only a pretext for creating dislocated space, determining subjective situations and future hegemonic interventions of the historical-discursive patterns of post-colonialism. Question: analyze the historical-discursive patterns of Islamism in the Middle East? Hypothesis: Islamists recognize Islam as a central nodal point, and they see Islam as the only way to overcome the problems facing Muslims. They find in Islam the means to seize political power, establish an Islamic government, and an anti-Western, anti-liberal order Identity. Due to the logic of different (discursive conflicts), the hegemonic interventions of powers, and the highlighting of Western-Zionist post-colonial historical-discursive patterns in occupied Palestine have, on the one hand, caused dislocated in the metaphorical space and the to marginalized of the historical-discursive patterns of the Islamism, and on the other hand, it has highlighting the historical-discursive patterns of neo-Salafism and strengthened the historical-discursive patterns of Islamic resistance. خاورمیانه از دوران گذشته تاکنون میدان گفتمانی غیریت و ضدیت است. مسائل توسعه اقتصادی- سیاسی منطقه در راستای منافع و ثبات هژمونیکی الگوهای تاریخی-گفتمانی پسااستعمارگرایی طرح شده است. ترسیم عمدی مرزهای جغرافیایی تنها دستاویزی برای ایجاد فضای بی قراری، تعیین موقعیت های سوژگی و مداخلات هژمونیکی آتی الگوهای تاریخی-گفتمانی پسااستعمارگرایی بوده است. برمبنای سوال: الگوهای تاریخی-گفتمانی اسلام گرایی در خاورمیانه را واکاوی نمایید؟ براساس فرضیه: اسلام گرایان، اسلام را به مثابه ی دال مرکزی می شناسند، تنها راه غلبه بر مشکلات پیش روی مسلمانان را همین اسلام می دانند؛ آن ها به دست گرفتن قدرت سیاسی، تشکیل حکومت اسلامی و هویت ضد غربی و ضد نظم لیبرالی را در همین اسلام می یابند. به دلیل منطق تفاوت (نزاع‌های گفتمانی متنوع متعارض)، مداخلات هژمونیکی قدرت ها و برجسته سازی الگوهای تاریخی-گفتمانی پسااستعمارگرای غربی- صهیونی در فلسطین اشغالی از یک سو، باعث تزلزل در فضای استعاره ای و به حاشیه رانی الگوهای تاریخی - گفتمانی اسلام گرایی شده و از سویی دیگر، موجب برجسته سازی الگوهای تاریخی-گفتمانی نوسلفی گری (اخوان المسلمین: القاعده، داعش) و همچنین تقویت الگوهای تاریخی-گفتمانی مقاومت اسلامی (حشدالشعبی، حزب الله، حماس) در منطقه شده است. روش پژوهش رویکرد زبانی با بهره‌گیری از نظریه گفتمان لاکلا و موف می باشد.

دانشگاه گیلان (با مشارکت انجمن ایرانی روابط بین الملل) سیاست جهانی 2383-0123 14 4 2026 02 20 The Why and Functions of Saudi Arabia’s Political Opposition Social Networks; A Case Study of Reformists and Liberals چرایی و کارکردهای شبکه‌های اجتماعی اپوزیسیون سیاسی عربستان سعودی؛ مطالعه موردی اصلاح‌طلبان و لیبرال‌ها 9408 10.22124/wp.2026.32618.3625 FA خلیل اله سردارنیا استاد داشگاه علی روحی مله دانش آموخته مطالعات منطقه ای ، دانشگاه شیراز ، شیراز،ایران Journal Article 2025 12 24 This study examines the role of social networks in the political activism of reformist and liberal movements in Saudi Arabia. Given the severe restrictions of the government structure and the closed political space, social networks have become the most important arena for the opposition to raise demands and activism. The study was conducted using a descriptive-analytical method and a mixed qualitative-quantitative approach and examined the political content published on social networks during the years 2000 to 2024. The data were analyzed using content analysis, network analysis, and hashtag frequency analysis. The findings show that features such as decentralization, high speed of publication, and the possibility of users remaining anonymous have made social networks the main arena for Saudi opposition activism. The most important content themes include women's rights, political justice, criticism of the governance structure, and civil liberties, and the highest user interaction has been observed in campaigns related to women's rights. Network analysis suggests a multi-node structure in which actors outside the country play a pivotal role and anonymous domestic accounts link the inside and outside. Overall, social networks have become a platform for the production of discourse, این پژوهش به بررسی نقش شبکه‌های اجتماعی در کنشگری سیاسی جریان‌های اصلاح‌طلب و لیبرال عربستان سعودی می‌پردازد. با توجه به محدودیت‌های شدید ساختار حکومتی و فضای بسته سیاسی، شبکه‌های اجتماعی به مهم‌ترین عرصه طرح مطالبات و فعالیت اپوزیسیون تبدیل شده‌اند. تحقیق با روش توصیفی–تحلیلی و رویکرد ترکیبی کیفی–کمی انجام شده و محتوای سیاسی منتشرشده در شبکه‌های اجتماعی طی سال‌های ۲۰۰۰ تا ۲۰۲۴ را بررسی کرده است. داده‌ها با استفاده از تحلیل مضمون، تحلیل شبکه‌ای و تحلیل فراوانی هشتگ‌ها تحلیل شده‌اند. یافته‌ها نشان می‌دهد که ویژگی‌هایی مانند غیرمتمرکز بودن، سرعت بالای انتشار و امکان ناشناس‌ماندن کاربران، شبکه‌های اجتماعی را به میدان اصلی کنشگری اپوزیسیون سعودی تبدیل کرده است. مهم‌ترین مضامین محتوایی شامل حقوق زنان، عدالت سیاسی، نقد ساختار حکمرانی و آزادی‌های مدنی بوده و بیشترین تعامل کاربران در کارزارهای مربوط به حقوق زنان مشاهده شده است. تحلیل شبکه‌ای از وجود ساختاری چندگرهی حکایت دارد که در آن کنشگران خارج از کشور نقش محوری دارند و حساب‌های ناشناس داخلی پیونددهنده داخل و خارج هستند. در مجموع، شبکه‌های اجتماعی به بستری برای تولید گفتمان، بسیج دیجیتال، مستندسازی و شکل‌گیری هویت جمعی اپوزیسیون تبدیل شده‌اند.