دانشگاه گیلان (با مشارکت انجمن ایرانی روابط بین الملل)سیاست جهانی2383-012312120230321The Indian Ocean in India-China Strategic Competitions (2013-2022)جایگاه اقیانوس هند در رقابت های راهبردی هند-چین (2022-2013)741640610.22124/wp.2023.23344.3109FAغلامعلیچگنی زادهدانشیار روابط بین الملل، دانشکده حقوق و علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه علامه طباطبایی، تهران، ایران0000-0003-0226-1522حسینرضویدانشجوی دکتری روابط بین الملل، دانشکده حقوق و علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه علامه طباطبایی، تهران، ایران0000-0002-8523-7423Journal Article20221206<strong>Abstract</strong><br />While the Asian emerging countries are changing the international distribution of power by acquisition of material resources, Intra-Asian dynamics have been affected by the rapid rise of India and China during the shift of international power towards Asia. In drawing the future horizons, these two powers consider international water areas as a necessary component for gaining global power. During the last decade, the Indian Ocean, as an emerging field in international open seas, has become the center of competition between these two countries. However, the existing works have not provided a comprehensive picture of India and China competition in the Indian Ocean. This article, using data analysis method, examines the maritime relations between the two states under the influence of the mounting China appearance in the Indian Ocean. To answer the question of what are the effects of China's emergence in the Indian Ocean on India-China maritime relations? This article claims that China's increased role in the Indian Ocean has created a new round of strategic competition between the two states. In this regard, it argues that India in response to Chinese implementation of advanced maritime strategies, trade and investment network, modernization of the military force, and development of ports and naval bases in the Indian Ocean, through increasing maritime capabilities, deepening relations with the marginal and island countries of the Indian Ocean, and forging strategic partnership with China's competitors in the framework of the Indo-Pacific maritime landscape, take balancing measures against China.<br /><strong>Extended abstract</strong><br /><strong>1- INTRODUCTION</strong><br />Given the power shift towards Asia in recent era, Intra-Asian dynamics are pivoted towards the simultaneous rise of India and China aspiring to acquire some of the most important material resources of power. During the last decade, India and China consider that playing an effective role in the Indian Ocean, one of the emerging areas of international waters, is an essential factor of gaining the status of global power. However, the existing works have not provided a comprehensive picture of India and China competition in the Indian Ocean. This article, using data analysis method, examines the maritime relations between the two states under the influence of the mounting China appearance in the Indian Ocean. To answer the question of what are the effects of China's emergence in the Indian Ocean on India-China maritime relations? This article claims that China's increased role in the Indian Ocean has created a new round of strategic competition between the two states. In this regard, it argues that India in response to Chinese implementation of advanced maritime strategies, trade and investment network, modernization of the military force, and development of ports and naval bases in the Indian Ocean, has taken balancing measures against China by increasing maritime capabilities, deepening relations with the marginal and island countries of the Indian Ocean, and forging a strategic partnership with China's competitors in the framework of the Indo-Pacific maritime landscape.<br /><strong>2- THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK</strong><br />Supremacy and dependency in the international system is directly related to the dominance of open waters by only a handful of superpowers. According to Walter Raleigh’s[1], “dominating world trade through command the sea”, Alfred Mahan’s[2] “the transformation of nations into great powers through influence of the sea”; and Barry Posen's “overarching dominance of the United States through the exercise of global power over the sea”, sea plays an important role in the empowerment of political units. Historically, European primacy in the colonial period, the Soviet Union and the United States competition during the Cold War, and the United States’ comprehensive power in the international system have been made possible by the superiority in the open seas. The theoretical framework of "water and the empowerment of great powers" is a useful theory for explaining the strategic relations between India and China in the Indian Ocean.<br /><strong>3- METHODOLOGY</strong><br />Data analysis includes methods of obtaining results through the processing of data. "Analysis" means breaking the whole into separate parts in order to understand its main characteristics, and "Data" refers to a set of values based on the interaction of "Data item", "Data unit" and “Data observations”, appears in numerical and descriptive form. In this method, relations of the variables are carried out in the five steps: defining question, collecting data, removing irrelevant data, analyzing data and visualizing results. Data analysis is used to examine the data related to China-India maritime competition in the Indian Ocean.<br /><strong>4- RESULTS & DISCUSSION</strong><br />The Indian Ocean is one of the most important epicenters of China and India competition in the open seas. About 67% of energy import, more than 90% foreign trade, and threats from extra-regional powers (the United States), regional powers (India), failed states, piracy, and terrorism have turned the Indian Ocean into a strategic area for China. Therefore, China through the “advanced maritime strategies” in the economic (Belt-Road) and military fields (“management of the seas and oceans”), military spending and marine modernization, forming a chain network of military and logistic ports, improving relations with the coastal and island countries of the Indian Ocean in the framework of the economic packages of “Silk Road Economic Belt” and “Maritime Silk Road of the 21st Century”, has played an active role in the Indian Ocean. In return, the Indian Ocean has an inherent value for India in terms of strategic depth expanding, superior power reconstructing, an economic gateway and a cultural bridge to neighboring countries. China's permanent and complete access to the Indian Ocean and India's strategic containment is India's main concern and driver to increase its competitiveness and balance against China. In this regard, India increased naval spending and capabilities, strengthened the command of naval forces in the Indian Ocean (Coco, Andaman and Nicobar Islands), established a coastal radar chain in the Indian Ocean, expanded naval bases in the countries with strategic positions to confront China (the diamond necklace strategy), sent its ships in China's strategic backyard, deepened relations with the marginal and island countries of the Indian Ocean, and participated strategically with the United States, Australia and Japan as China's competitors in the framework of Indo-Pacific approach (India-Japan-United States, India-Japan-Australia-United States, India-Japan-Australia).<br /><strong>5- CONCLUSIONS & SUGGESTIONS</strong><br /> China and India after centuries of lagging behind European and American countries, have taken a high rise in the direction of becoming an international power. In this regard, they are clearly seeking to achieve supremacy in Asia by dominating the international waters of the Indian Ocean. The importance of examining India-China maritime behavior originates from the fact that their naval competition in the Indian Ocean has strategic effects on the redistribution of power in Asia and then the future regulation of the international system. The findings of this article, while emphasizing the deep and inevitable effects of the mentioned maritime competitions on the India-China current political equations in the Asian continent, provide the basis for presenting a detailed analysis, identifying threats and enumerating its opportunities. This issue requires further future studies based on a scholarly and scrutinizing approach.<br /> <br /> در حالیکه دول نوظهور آسیاییْ در حال تغییر توزیع بین المللی قدرت با کسب منابع مادی میباشند، پویش های درون آسیایی تحت تاثیر خیزش سریع هند و چین در دوران چرخش قدرت بین المللی به سمت آسیا قرار گرفته است. این دو قدرت در ترسیم افق های آتی، کنشگری در پهنه های آبی بین المللی را مؤلفه ضروری برای قدرت یابی جهانی تلقی میکنند. طی دهه اخیر اقیانوس هند، عرصه نوظهور در آبهای آزاد، به کانون رقابت این دو دولت برای کسب قدرت بزرگی تبدیل شده است. اما آثار موجود در این حوزه تصویر جامعی از رقابت های هند و چین در اقیانوس هند ارائه نکرده است. مقاله حاضر با استفاده از روش تحلیل داده به بررسی مناسبات دریایی دو دولت تحت تاثیر حضور فزاینده چین در اقیانوس هند پرداخته است. فرضیه مقاله در پاسخ به این سوال که حضور چین در اقیانوس هند چه آثاری بر مناسبات دریایی هند و چین ایجاد کرده؟ بر این مبنا قرار دارد که نقش آفرینی گسترده چین در اقیانوس هند، دور جدیدی از رقابت های راهبردی را میان دو کشور پدید آورده است. در این خصوص استدلال میشود، هند در برابر اجرایی ساختن استراتژی های پیشرو دریایی، شبکه تجارت و سرمایه گذاری، مدرنیزاسیون نیروی دریایی و توسعه بنادر و پایگاه های دریایی چین در اقیانوس هند، از طریق افزایش توانمندی دریایی، تعمیق مناسبات با کشورهای حاشیه ای و جزیره ای اقیانوس هند و مشارکت راهبردی با رقبای چین در چارچوب چشم انداز دریایی ایندو-پاسفیک در راستای برقراری موازنه علیه چین گام برداشته است.https://interpolitics.guilan.ac.ir/article_6406_0daa9f7c57a4b60800d52dd74adc2e2b.pdfدانشگاه گیلان (با مشارکت انجمن ایرانی روابط بین الملل)سیاست جهانی2383-012312120230321Analyzing the Role of Natural Gas Export on the Development of Regional Relations between Iran and South Asiaواکاوی نقش صادرات گاز طبیعی بر توسعه روابط منطقه ای ج.ا.ایران با آسیای جنوبی4374640710.22124/wp.2022.22924.3074FAعلیطهماسبیدانشجوی دکتری جغرافیای سیاسی، گروه جغرافیا، واحد نجف آباد، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، نجف آباد، ایران0000-0002-7065-1134حجتمهکوییگروه جغرافیای سیاسی، واحد نجف آباد، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، نجف آباد، ایران0000-0002-7085-1834علیرضاعباسیگروه جغرافیا، واحد نجف آباد، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، نجف آباد، ایران0000-0002-7215-1194Journal Article20220911َAbstract<br />Today, energy is considered as one of the most important geopolitical variables in the international system. Energy as the cornerstone of the survival and development of societies in the 21st century with the ever-increasing growth of the world's population, South Asian countries are facing an energy shortage due to the rapidly increasing demand for fossil fuels. Due to the economic and political effects caused by such a shortage, improving the supply of fossil energy is one of the important priorities of regional governments. In this article, the main goal is to examine the role of natural gas export on the development of Iran's regional relations in South Asia. Therefore, the main question raised is what is the role of natural gas export in the development of Iran's regional relations with South Asia? Therefore, with the qualitative method and the nature of the descriptive-analytical method and with the use of library collection tools, as well as with the method of interviewing 15 experts related to the subject, which was done in an estimated and available method with theoretical saturation, the results have been obtained. The results of the research findings show that Iran has not been able to establish strong regional relations with this region due to its favorable geo-economic position, having natural gas resources and the need of South Asian countries for these resources.<br /><br /><strong> </strong><strong>Introduction</strong><br /><br /> Energy as the cornerstone of the survival and development of societies in the 21st century with the ever-increasing growth of the world's population, the economic development of most countries and the rising standard of living is much more important. And energy transfer from energy-rich places to energy-requiring spaces and energy transfer routes to maintain regional and global sovereignty and challenge competitors in the international arena have spatial and geographic dimensions, and for this reason, energy has become an important geopolitical issue. From a geopolitical point of view, the world's top power in the 21st century is the country or countries that have complete control over the world's energy resources. This is despite the fact that the availability of fossil energy resources is not the same in different regions of the world; For example, the Persian Gulf region is very important in terms of oil and gas, while the South Asian region needs these resources. The South Asia region is one of the regions where Iran has a land and water border and territorial continuity with the countries of this region (Afghanistan and Pakistan). Considering the important geographic-geopolitical position of this region, Iran has not been successful in developing regional relations with these countries.<br /><strong> </strong><br /><br /><strong> </strong><strong>Theoretical framework</strong><br /><br /> Energy as a geopolitical variable has opened a special place in the power games of the world system and access to energy resources is of strategic importance for all hierarchical levels of world power. The importance of energy includes oil and gas and other carriers of new and fossil energy to such an extent that it has given meaning to the global economy alone and made it more prosperous than other economic components; In the current century, the link between energy and politics has translated into the link between economy and politics. In the last few decades and especially from the 1980s onwards, many countries of the world by adopting the regionalism approach and creating successful experiences in this direction have also provided the ground to encourage other countries in the world to expand regionalism. Regionalism is one of the stages and circuits of diplomacy in order to consolidate the relations between neighboring states which are defined in the middle of political agreements, it is formed and it is transformed by various technical, legal and economic mechanisms.<br /><strong> </strong><br /><br /><strong> </strong><strong>Methodology</strong><br /><br /> This article has been conducted with the qualitative method and the nature of the descriptive-analytical method through interviews with 15 experts related to the subject in a theoretical (theoretical saturation) and accessible method. The main question raised is, what is the role of natural gas export on the expansion of Iran's regional relations with South Asia?<br /><strong> </strong><br /><br /><strong> </strong><strong>Discussion</strong><br /><br /> In South Asia, there are 8 countries that have special indicators in terms of territory, geography, social, culture, economy and strategy. The natural, human and cultural geography of the South Asian region, diverse models of political management of governments, economic structure and motivations for the development and industrialization of countries in the region are potential capacities for formulating regional policies. All eight countries in South Asia have liquid fuel shortages and are highly dependent on liquid fuel imports (crude oil and/or refined petroleum products). This makes South Asia insecure and vulnerable with a quarter of the world's population. Oil import risks (fluctuations in global oil prices and supply) affect the economies of South Asia and the development activities of its member countries. Except for India, Pakistan, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka, no other country in South Asia has an oil refinery, forcing them to import refined petroleum products instead of crude oil. And Iran, having 812 trillion cubic feet of natural gas, has a total [16%] of the world's reserves of this fossil resource. In the field of natural gas, Iran ranks first in the Middle East and second in the world, so based on current production, its life is estimated to be about 200 years. After 1990, the government started an advanced program to exploit its natural gas reserves. In order to analyze the role of natural gas export on the development of Iran's regional relations in South Asia, interviews with experts were used. In the first step, 74 indicators were extracted from the text of the interviews of the participants in the open interview and initial coding was done. The data obtained from the theme analysis method and the formation of the theme network show that the initial framework for analyzing the role of natural gas export on the development of Iran's regional relations in South Asia has 4 overarching themes, 16 organizing themes and 74 basic themes.<br /><strong> </strong><br /><br /><strong> </strong><strong>Conclusion and Suggestions</strong><br /><br /> In response to the question raised in this article, it can be concluded that for the expansion of regional relations, what is important is efficient foreign policy and active diplomacy so that a government can achieve the national interests of its respective country. Iran can be more successful in its regional relations due to its abundant energy resources. As a geopolitical region and in need of fossil energy, South Asia has the necessary potential for the development of economic and political relations. Iran also needs to pay attention to the development of regional relations, and according to the potentials that exist in this region, Iran's regional relations can lead to an increase in the level of internal development. In the field of energy geopolitics and energy diplomacy, it is necessary for the country's foreign policy to follow and carry out basic measures. The countries of the South Asian region, except for Pakistan and India, which have natural gas reserves, the rest of the countries do not have natural gas reserves. Also, based on the descriptive findings (interview), the respondents have stated that Iran's need to export gas to South Asian countries, South Asian countries' need for Iranian gas, Iran's special capacity and potential to develop relations, Iran's gas score and the capacity of South Asian countries to Expanding relations with Iran are available opportunities. The territorial geo-economic position of Iran is such that it is considered a special and privileged position in the Middle East. By taking advantage of this position and abundant fossil energy resources, it is possible to succeed in developing regional relations with South Asia. As based on the tables and charts, it can be seen that there are opportunities, strategies, solutions and intervention factors that need to be paid attention to.انرژی به عنوان سنگ بنای بقا و توسعه جوامع در قرن بیست ویکم با رشد روزافزون جمعیت جهان، توسعه اقتصادی بیشتر کشورها و بالاتر رفتن سطح استاندارد زندگی از اهمیت بسیار بیشتری برخوردار است و انتقال انرژی از مکانهای دارای انرژی به فضاهای نیازمند انرژی و مسیرهای انتقال انرژی برای حفظ سیادت منطقه ای و جهانی و به چالش کشیدن رقبا در عرصه بین المللی دارای ابعاد مکانی و جغرافیایی است. منطقه آسیای جنوبی شامل 8 کشور افغانستان، هند، پاکستان، بنگلادش، مالدیو، سریلانکا، بوتان و نپال است. کشورهای جنوب آسیا با سرعت در حال افزایش تقاضا برای انرژیهای فسیلی، با کمبود این نوع انرژی مواجه هستند. به دلیل تأثیرات اقتصادی- سیاسی ناشی از چنین کمبودی، بهبود عرضه انرژی فسیلی، یکی از اولویتهای مهم دولتهای این منطقه است. در این مقاله، هدف اصلی، واکاوی نقش صادرات گاز طبیعی بر گسنرش روابط منطقه ای ایران با آسیای جنوبی می باشد. از این رو، پرسش اصلی مطرح شده این است که نقش صادرات گاز طبیعی بر گسترش روابط منطقهای ایران با آسیای جنوبی چگونه است؟ بنابراین با روش کیفی و ماهیت روش توصیفی-تحلیلی از طریق مصاحبه با تعداد 15 نفر از کارشناسان مرتبط با موضوع به روش نظری (اشباع نظری) و در دسترس انجام گرفته است. نتایج یافته های تحقیق نشان می دهند که ج.ا.ایران با توجه به موقعیت ژئواکونومیک مناسب، داشتن منابع گاز طبیعی و نیاز کشورهای منطقه آسیای جنوبی به این منابع، نتوانسته است روابط منطقهای قوی با این منطقه برقرار نماید.https://interpolitics.guilan.ac.ir/article_6407_cb5c6671a7a3af720ae42738f477ed18.pdfدانشگاه گیلان (با مشارکت انجمن ایرانی روابط بین الملل)سیاست جهانی2383-012312120230321Discourse conflict and the hegemony of political Islam in the process of the Islamic Revolution of Iranتنازع گفتمانی و برتری اسلام سیاسی در فرایند انقلاب اسلامی ایران7595677410.22124/wp.2023.24263.3175FAحمیدیوسفیان اهریدانشجوی دکتری ، گروه علوم سیاسی، واحد زنجان، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، زنجان، ایرانعباسمرادیاستادیار، گروه علوم سیاسی، واحد زنجان، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، زنجان، ایران0000-0002-3830-1488مالکذوالقدراستادیار گروه علوم سیاسی، واحد زنجان، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، زنجان، ایرانJournal Article20230409The present research is written in response to this sociological question, what are the reasons that led to the superiority of the discourse of Islamism in the process of struggles leading to the Islamic Revolution of Iran. In a space where the discourses of liberal nationalism and Marxism had an effective presence, how was Islamism able to establish its semantic system as a hegemonic discourse. In this regard, the discourse analysis theory of Lacla and Moff has been used as the theoretical and methodological basis of this article. Because the theory of discourse analysis is more compatible with the nature of the subject and provides a more accurate explanation of it. From this point of view, Islamism is considered as a discourse that, in order to fight against the ruling Pahlavi discourse and to establish its own semantic system, marginalized the ideologies of liberal nationalism and Marxism, and is recognized as the undisputed winner of the revolutionary battle. This research considers the main reason for the superiority of the discourse of Islamism in the conflict with rival discourses to be Imam Khomeini's ability to organize a comprehensive discourse that includes most of the concepts of liberal nationalism and Marxism discourses, and by creating a metaphorical space and covering a wide range of revolutionaries' demands, the existence of rival discourses has challenged<br /><strong>Extended abstract</strong><br /><strong>1-INTRODUCTION </strong><br /> The present article has tried to look at the rise of Islamists in the Iranian revolution with a new perspective and explain the reasons for its superiority in the face of modern and secular currents of nationalism and Marxism. In this regard, using the discourse analysis theory of Laclau and Moff and relying on its epistemological foundations and conceptual tools, he considers the Islamic revolution of Iran as a semantic conflict in which the three discourses of liberal nationalism, Marxism and political Islam are against the ruling Pahlavi discourse. and tried to replace their semantic system with the Pahlavi semantic system. These three discourses are otherness and rivals of each other and they always tried to make their meaning system the undisputed winner of this struggle by rejecting and marginalizing the rivals. From the perspective of this article, the main reason for the superiority of the discourse of political Islam is its ability to use the concepts of the competing discourses of liberal nationalism and Marxism; So that this discourse managed to collect all the claims of the competing discourses in the meta-discourse of the Islamic Revolution and in this way mobilize all the opponents of the Pahlavi discourse and the revolutionary forces around its semantic system.<br /><strong> </strong><br /><strong>2-Theoretical Framework</strong><br /> The scope of our work in this article is the discourse scope. This method is classified under postmodern methods and is a qualitative analysis method. Today, the concept of discourse emphasizes social processes that generate meaning. Some consider discourse as an analytical technique that is used to reveal patterns of understanding, belief, value, and the structure of faith in discourse. "Discourse" has been translated into speech analysis, speech analysis, speech analysis and discourse analysis. Of course, there is no clear consensus about what discourse is and how it works and is analyzed, and there is no general agreement about discourse analysis. The discourse of Laclau and Mouffe aims to understand and analyze how to create, function and transform thought as a discourse - which is the creator of meanings and political activities. According to them, the meanings of words and social actions are revealed if they are placed in the field of special discourse. Also, the success of political discourses depends on their ability to produce meaning. As a result, Laclau and Mouffe's discourse theory mixes meaning, politics and society and analyzes them together.
<strong>3Methodology</strong> Ernesto Lacla and Chantal Moff, whose current research was designed based on their opinions, consider discourse to be a semantic system larger than language, which has taken over parts of the social sphere and by taking over the subject's mind, to individual speech and behavior and It shapes their society. By introducing the Foucauldian concept of power into their theory, Lacla and Mouffe gave a driving force to the discourse. They used Saussure's "sign" instead of Foucault's "command" to explain the structure of discourse and considered it not a set of commands but a set of signs. The concept of formulation in Foucault's theory is also comparable to the concept of "articulation" in Lacla and Mouffe's theory of discourse, through which signs fuse together and form a semantic system. Here and there, seemingly small, and the use of "sign" instead of Foucault's "judgment", has given extraordinary flexibility to the discourse of Lacla and Mouffe .
<strong>4- RESULTS AND DISCUSSION</strong> Political Islam as a discourse is the result of the response of Muslim societies to the two basic challenges of the decline and backwardness of Islamic civilization and the widespread and comprehensive invasion of Western modernism into the Islamic world. Harair Dekamjian and Babi Saeed, who are considered to be the most important researchers of Islamic movements, have considered the confrontation of Islamic societies with the West as the most important factor in the emergence of the discourse of political Islam. Dekamjian considers the main cause of the formation of contemporary Islamic movements to be the result of the confrontation of Muslim societies with various crises such as identity, legitimacy and culture. The discourse of the Islamic Revolution takes the concepts of nation, freedom and law from the discourse of liberal nationalism; And he took the concepts of anti-imperialism, social justice, struggle against capitalism, defense of the rights of the masses and anti-monarchy from the discourse of Marxism and elaborated them around the central sign of Islam.
5-<strong> CONCLUSION & suggestions</strong> The discourse of the Islamic revolution was a new articulation of political Islam, which was able to create a metaphorical and idealistic space in which all the hopes and aspirations of the revolutionaries were reflected by comprehensively using the concepts of the competing discourses of liberal nationalism and Marxism. This discourse included the revolutionary and progressive ideals of competing discourses in its articulation and questioned their hegemony and monopoly in the realization of such ideals. Revolutionary forces dissatisfied with the Pahlavi discourse found all their demands and demands in the discourse of the Islamic Revolution and gathered around its semantic system.<br /><strong> </strong>پژوهش حاضر در پاسخ به این پرسش جامعه شناختی نگاشته میشود که چه دلایلی باعث برتری گفتمان اسلامگرایی در فرایند مبارزات منتهی به انقلاب اسلامی ایران شد. در فضایی که گفتمانهای ملیگرایی لیبرال و مارکسیسم هم حضور موثری داشتند، اسلام گرایی چگونه توانست نظام معنایی خود را به عنوان گفتمان هژمون تثبیت کند. در این راستا نظریه تحلیل گفتمان لاکلا و موف به عنوان مبنای نظری و روششناختی این نوشتار مورد استفاده قرار گرفته شده است. چرا که نظریه تحلیل گفتمان، انطباق بیشتری با ماهیت موضوع داشته و تبیین دقیقتری از آن ارائه میدهد. از این منظر، اسلامگرایی به عنوان یک گفتمان در نظر گرفته شده که در راستای مبارزه با گفتمان حاکم پهلوی و برقرار کردن نظام معنایی خود، ایدئولوژیهای ملیگرایی لیبرال و مارکسیسم را به حاشیه برده و خود به عنوان پیروز بلامنازع نبرد انقلابی شناخته شده است. این پژوهش علت اصلی برتری گفتمان اسلامگرایی در منازعه با گفتمانهای رقیب را توانایی امام خمینی در ساماندهی گفتمانی فراگیر میداند که اکثر مفاهیم گفتمانهای ملیگرایی لیبرال و مارکسیسم در آن گنجانده شده و با خلق فضای استعاری و پوشش دادن طیف وسیعی از خواستههای انقلابیون، موجودیت گفتمانهای رقیب را به چالش کشیده است.https://interpolitics.guilan.ac.ir/article_6774_d831abb8443fd11427be8f1a297591f1.pdfدانشگاه گیلان (با مشارکت انجمن ایرانی روابط بین الملل)سیاست جهانی2383-012312120230321The role and importance statesmanlike positions in women's political empowermentنقش و اهمیت تصدی مناصب زمامدارانه در توانمندسازی سیاسی زنان97131641310.22124/wp.2023.23452.3122FAنجاتمحمدی فراستادیارگروه علوم سیاسی، دانشکده علوم انسانی و اجتماعی، دانشگاه اردکان، اردکان، ایران0000-0003-1817-2196Journal Article20230112The main purpose of this research is to investigate the role and importance statesmanlike positions in women's political empowerment around the world. For this purpose, the representation of women in executive and legislative political positions has been studied and analyzed worldwide with an international approach from the past few decades to today. The research method used in this article is descriptive and data collection is done using library tools and internet resources. The results of the research show that there is a reciprocal relationship between women statesmanlike positions and their political empowerment, that is, on the one hand, female political office holders give motivation and self-confidence to other women to enter political activities and competitions and empower them, and on the other hand, Political empowerment of women encourages them to work in political and social fields. In addition, increasing the representation of women in executive and legislative political positions will lead to political stability, political legitimacy, equality, social welfare and effective governance; Therefore, most of the world's political and social thinkers continue to insist on the necessity and importance of women's presence in politics in such a way that the United Nations has made the improvement of gender equality and women's empowerment the third main goal for the development of the millennium. Based on the statistical data of the current research, there is hope that women can empower themselves politically and improve their current position by holding political (administrative) positions.<br />Extended Abstract <br /><strong>- Introduction</strong><br /> Despite increased international statements in support of women and the progress made in recognizing their equality with men in the 20th century, women’s position and status in terms of holding political (leadership) positions in societies are still not equal to that of men; in such a way that women are predominantly either absent or have a light presence in significant political and leadership positions at both the national (political leadership, parliament, and ministries) and international (institutions and organizations) levels which govern our lives. However, women face substantial obstacles to their political participation and attaining political and leadership positions all over the world, which, considering the historical and cultural context of each society, can be due to economic, social, and cultural issues, negative stereotypes about women, gender roles deeply rooted by the perpetuation of norms, customs and patriarchal attitudes toward women and men’s roles, responsibilities and identity in all aspects of life. In the meantime, one crucial variable that seems capable of setting the stage for improving women’s political position in societies is focusing on their political empowerment and the factors involved therein. Considering this introduction, the main question of the current research is: How does women’s holding political and leadership positions play a role in women’s political empowerment all over the world?<br /> <br /><strong>2- Theoretical framework</strong><br /> The theoretical framework of this research is based on the viewpoints of Sundström et al. (2017). They define women's political empowerment as a process of increasing capacity for women, leading to greater choice, agency, and participation in social and political decision-making. This definition includes three important dimensions of empowerment. The first dimension of empowerment emphasizes women's ability to make choices over areas of their own lives. Women should be able to determine their personal interests and consider themselves not only capable but also rightful to choose. In order to have the right to choose, women must have freedom of domestic movement, property rights, and freedom from forced labor, and they must be treated equally with men in the judicial system. The second dimension of empowerment is agency; That is, women must be active agents in the process of change within society. For women to be active agents and determine their goals, they must have the freedom of discussion, be able to participate in civil society organizations, and be represented in the journalists' guild. The third dimension of women's empowerment, which has been focused on in this research, emphasizes the role of political participation (holding political positions). Political participation requires descriptive (numerical) presence in official political positions and an equal share in the distribution of power. In this context, the candidacy of women and holding an elected political office is the main characteristic of political empowerment.<br /> <br /><strong>3- Methodology</strong><br /> The research method used in this article is descriptive and data collection has been done using library tools and internet resources.<br /> <br /><strong>4- Discussion</strong><br /> The presence of women as heads of state, in ministries, and national parliaments is a substantial criterion of women's political empowerment. Statistics show that women have been able to play a prominent part in political office in the past few decades, however, they have not yet obtained equal status with men in the arena of political positions. The presence of women in these positions can inspire other women to break free from constraints and change the game for themselves and many others in the years to come.<br /><strong>5- Conclusion and Suggestions</strong><br />This research was conducted with the aim to investigate the role and importance of holding leadership positions in women's political empowerment. The results of this research indicate that there is a reciprocal relationship between women holding political positions and their political empowerment; that is, on the one hand, women political officeholders can motivate other women and boost their confidence to participate in political activities and electoral competitions; and on the other, women's political empowerment encourages them to work in political and social arenas. Also, increase in women's political representation entails stability, legitimacy, equality, social welfare, and effective governance. Therefore, most political and social thinkers of the world continue to emphasize the necessity and significance of women's presence in politics. In order to improve women’s political empowerment in accordance with the cultural context and political structure of countries, this research offers the following suggestions to facilitate women’s holding of political positions:<br /><br />Repealing discriminatory laws that prevent women from holding political positions;<br />Presenting explicit and clear provisions in the constitution and legislation of governments regarding political equality of women with men;<br />Media support for women's political participation and correcting negative impressions of it;<br />Ensuring that women involved in public and political spheres are provided with proper child care and suitable facilities;<br />Taking special measures for women's candidacy, namely through legal quotas;<br />Demanding that governments, legislators, and political parties act more responsibly to increase women’s participation and representation;<br />Encouraging women to participate and play an active part in politics at local, regional, and national levels;<br />Some Islamic countries, such as Saudi Arabia, do not tolerate women’s presence in political positions on the basis of their interpretations of religious teachings. Regarding this matter, it is vital that religious intellectuals show, based on religious teachings, that women’s holding of political positions does not contradict the teachings of Islam.<br /><br /> هدف اصلی این پژوهش بررسی نقش و اهمیت تصدی مناصب زمامدارانه در توانمندسازی سیاسی زنان در سراسر جهان است. بدین منظور نمایندگی زنان در مناصب سیاسی اجرائی و قانونگذاری از چند دهه گذشته تا امروز در سراسر جهان با رویکردی بینالمللی مورد بررسی و واکاوی قرار گرفته است. روش تحقیق مورد استفاده در این مقاله توصیفی و گردآوری اطلاعات با استفاده از ابزار کتابخانهای و منابع اینترنتی انجام شده است. نتایج حاصل از پژوهش نشان میدهد که بین تصدی مناصب سیاسی (زمامدارانه) زنان و توانمندسازی سیاسی آنها رابطه متقابل وجود دارد یعنی از یکطرف منصبداران سیاسی زن به دیگر زنان انگیزه و اعتمادبهنفس میدهند که وارد فعالیتها و رقابتهای سیاسی شده و توانمند شوند و از طرف دیگر توانمند شدن سیاسی زنان، آنها را برای فعالیت در عرصههای سیاسی و اجتماعی ترغیب میکند. علاوه بر این، افزایش نمایندگی زنان در مناصب سیاسی اجرائی و قانونگذاری باعث ثبات سیاسی، مشروعیت سیاسی، برابری، رفاه اجتماعی و حکمرانی مؤثر میشود؛ بنابراین اکثر اندیشمندان سیاسی و اجتماعی جهان به ضرورت و اهمیت حضور زنان در سیاست ادامه میدهند به گونهای که سازمان ملل بهبود برابری جنسیتی و توانمندسازی زنان را سومین هدف اصلی برای توسعه هزاره خود قرار داده است. بر اساس دادههای آماری پژوهش حاضر این امیدواری وجود دارد که زنان بتوانند با تصدی مناصب سیاسی (زمامدارانه) خود را از لحاظ سیاسی توانمند ساخته و جایگاه فعلی خود را بهبود بخشند.https://interpolitics.guilan.ac.ir/article_6413_b198b958cff8cd37692752d1e66d62b5.pdfدانشگاه گیلان (با مشارکت انجمن ایرانی روابط بین الملل)سیاست جهانی2383-012312120230321Analysis of the foreign policy trend of the Islamic Republic of Iran towards Uzbekistan; Drivers, strategies and scenariosتحلیل روند سیاست خارجی جمهوری اسلامی ایران در قبال ازبکستان؛ پیشرانها، راهبردها و سناریوها133165657110.22124/wp.2023.23393.3110FAصالحسلاورزی زادهدانش آموخته دکترای روابط بین الملل، گروه علوم سیاسی دانشگاه اصفهان، ایران.0000-0003-1537-9335جهانگیرکرمیدانشیار گروه مطالعات روسیه، آسیای میانه و قفقاز، دانشگاه تهران، ایران.0000-0001-8815-7069Journal Article20221206Foreign policy strategies of countries have always been a function of domestic strengths and weaknesses and environmental opportunities and challenges. The collapse of the Soviet Union caused the activation of Iran's foreign policy in Central Asian countries. Since 1991 Shamsi and the beginning of political relations between Iran and Uzbekistan, the relations between the two countries have experienced various trends and events. This research is trying to take an "interdisciplinary" approach to analyze and examine the drivers, trends, events and finally the scenarios of the foreign policy strategy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in relation to Uzbekistan and to answer the main problem of the research: the relationship between the internal capabilities of Iran and How have Uzbekistan's environmental restrictions been in Iran's foreign policy strategies in this country? The results of the research indicate that the internal strengths of Iran's strategies in Uzbekistan have been affected by the restrictions and threats of the Uzbekistan environment and the international environment, which has led to the failure of Iran's foreign policy strategies in this country, but the change in the internal political conditions of Uzbekistan along with the policy Looking to the east of Iran and being a member of the Shanghai Organization, the possible and desirable scenarios of Iran's foreign policy in Uzbekistan indicate a move towards optimistic scenarios and deepening of bilateral relations between the parties.
<strong>Extended abstract</strong>
<strong>1- INTRODUCTION</strong>
Until the 19th century, large parts of Central Asia were under sway of Iran. Based on its expansionist foreign policy, Tsarist Russia succeeded in occupying and annexing these regions to its territory. Following the collapse of the USSR, Iran was one of the Primary countries establishing Mutual relations with the newborn states. Located in Central Asia, Uzbekistan- Iran political ties was established in 1991. This research aims to answer this question that in the context of "trend analysis", what are the propellants, strategies and scenarios of the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic in Uzbekistan? This survey suggested this hypothesis that despite the internal strengths and environmental capabilities, Iran's foreign policy strategies towards Uzbekistan have been more affected by environmental restrictions and threats.
<strong>2- THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK</strong>
By making a conceptual model consisting of two strategic management models called "SWOT" and "PESTEL" and scenario creation technique, this research seeks to analyze Iran's foreign policy in Uzbekistan. SWOT is a classic strategy analysis tool based on four elements: Fortes, foibles, opportunities (within) and threats (periphery). The term Pestel refers to the first letters of the six categories of macro-environmental variables effective in the model (political, economic, socio-cultural, technological, legal and environmental). Using these two models, the internal Fortes and foibles of Iran in relation to Uzbekistan and the opportunities and challenges of Uzbekistan's environment for Iran are listed and then analyzed. Influential driving forces are also determined in relation to this issue. Scenario analysis is described as the art of juxtaposing current trends to come up with unexpected combinations of surprising futures.
<strong>3- METHODOLOGY</strong>
The thesis is based on descriptive-analytical method. The current research makes an effort to analyze all facets of Iran's foreign policy in Uzbekistan by adopting an "interdisciplinary" and "future-oriented" conceptual framework with an analytical-explanatory approach and then provide appropriate suggestions. The theoretical approach of the research consists of two strategic planning models called "SWOT" and "PESTEL" models as research apparatuses and future studies (scenarios) as research techniques.
<strong>4- RESULTS & DISCUSSION</strong>
In the analysis of the relationship between the two, until the era of Islam Karimov, downbeat against Iran's presence in Central Asia was a constant event of Uzbekistan's foreign policy in relation to Iran. With the advent of Shaukat Mirziyoyev, Uzbekistan's foreign policy underwent a transformation, and pessimism against Iran's presence in the region isn’t on the rise. In the new era, Uzbek instance toward Iran has been highlighted in Uzbekistan's policies. Among these policies are: ensuring good neighborly relations in the region, forming a stability and security belt in Central Asia, Tashkent's neutrality in the conflict between Iran and the United States, and strengthening relations between Iran and prominent regional actors in Central Asia.
Possible scenarios: The continuation of the current trend of relations at the ongoing level is a no-startling scenario in the relations between the two countries. With bilateral trade worth 255 million dollars, Iran is the eighth economic partner of Uzbekistan.
Upbeat scenario: With the establishment of the 13th government in Iran and the priority of the strategy of looking to the east, shifts in the basses of Uzbekistan's foreign policy during Mirzayev's administration and most significantly, Iran's membership in the Shanghai Organization accompanied by Uzbekistan's agreement, it is expected that the level of mutual ties between the two states will grow significantly and favorably.
catastrophic scenario: Considering the US imposed sanctions on Iran, the possibility of no deal in Iran's nuclear talks with the West, the person-centeredness of politics in Central Asian republics including Uzbekistan, it is conceivable to reduce the level of bilateral political and economic relations between the two.
<strong>5- CONCLUSIONS & SUGGESTIONS</strong>
The analysis of drivers indicates the existence of reasonable capacities for the prospering presence of Iran in this country. In general, and considering Iran's past and present strategies in Uzbekistan, it can be claimed that there is no reasonable balance between the internal capabilities of the Iran and the requirements of Uzbekistan's environment. In fact, it must be said that Iran's foreign policy in Uzbekistan has not been able to use the great capacities of this country. This failure is more due to Uzbekistan's skeptical view of Iran during the period of Islam Karimov, international sanctions against Iran. With the inauguration of Shaukat Mirzayev, the relations between the two sides have been on the path of restoration and development, a clear example of which was Uzbekistan's non-opposition to Iran's membership in the Shanghai Treaty.
Recommendations:
Strengthening the diplomacy of regional organizations in the form of organizations such as: Eurasian Economic Union, Shanghai Cooperation Organization.
Improving the position of relations with Uzbekistan in the strategic thinking of foreign policy makers. Direction of political-economic relations based on cultural diplomacyاستراتژیهای سیاست خارجی کشورها همیشه تابعی از نقاط قوت وضعف داخلی و فرصتها و چالشهای محیطی بوده است. فروپاشی اتحاد جماهیر شوروی باعث فعال شدن سیاست خارجی ایران در کشورهای آسیای مرکزی گردید. از سال 1370شمسی و آغاز روابط سیاسی ایران و ازبکستان، روابط دو کشور روندها و رویدادهای متنوعی را تجربه نموده است. این پژوهش در تلاش است با اتخاذ رویکردی«بینارشتهای» به تحلیل و بررسی پیشرانها، روندها،رویدادها و نهایتا سناریوهای استراتژی سیاست خارجی جمهوری اسلامی ایران در ارتباط با ازبکستان پرداخته و به این مساله اصلی پژوهش پاسخ دهد که: رابطه میان مقدورات داخلی ایران و محذورات محیطی ازبکستان در راهبردهای سیاست خارجی ایران در این کشور چگونه بوده است؟ نتایج پژوهش حکایت از این دارد که نقاط قوت داخلی استراتژیهای ایران در ازبکستان تحت تاثیر محذورات و تهدیدات محیط ازبکستان و محیط بین المللی قرار گرفته که منجر به عدم موفقیت راهبردهای سیاست خارجی ایران در این کشور شده است، اما تغییر شرایط سیاسی داخلی ازبکستان درکنار سیاست نگاه به شرق ایران و عضویت در سازمان شانگهای سناریوهای محتمل و مطلوب سیاست خارجی ایران در ازبکستان حکایت از حرکت به سمت سناریوهای خوشبینانه و تعمیق روابط دوجانبه طرفین دارد.https://interpolitics.guilan.ac.ir/article_6571_d0d676fb98daebbc26fb28a930ddb3ca.pdfدانشگاه گیلان (با مشارکت انجمن ایرانی روابط بین الملل)سیاست جهانی2383-012312120230321Political Economy Foundations in Comprehensive Strategic Cooperation Agreement between Iran and China:
Extension of Effective National and Regional Territoriesبنیان اقتصاد سیاسی توافق همکاری جامع استراتژیک ایران و چین؛ گسترش قلمروهای ملی و منطقهای موثر167197657310.22124/wp.2023.23298.3098FAافشینمتقیدانشیار گروه جغرافیای سیاسی، دانشکده علوم جغرافیایی دانشگاه خوارزمی، تهران، ایران.0000-0002-4406-3236ریحانهصالح آبادیدکتری جغرافیای سیاسی، دانشگاه تربیت مدرس، تهران، ایران0000-0002-5144-4694حسینهمتی فردانشجوی دکتری جغرافیای سیاسی، دانشگاه خوارزمی، تهران، ایران0009-0003-4533-5656Journal Article20221122Iran and China have converged into cooperation as a result of the realities in political and spatial structures of power in Iran and the geopolitical realities governing the international system. Given the strategic importance of the comprehensive 25-year cooperation plan between Iran and China, this study adopted a descriptive-analytical method to analyze the political economy foundations of this agreement and identify the factors affecting the convergence of these two countries into signing the agreement. According to the results, the Chinese state employs neo-mercantilism to resolve the bottlenecks of its export-based economy and secure the imported energy sources in order to extend its influence on strategic areas such as the Persian Gulf. The results also indicated the factors encouraging Iran to sign this agreement with China. These factors are as follows: the nature of Iran’s governing political system, confronting the dominance and hegemony of the US, leaving isolation, harnessing the pressure exerted by the West, improving the resilience of the political system to the potential pressure exerted by the West in the future, enhancing the ability to take risks, and benefiting from China’s veto power in the UN Security Council. This study also aimed to determine the critical or beneficial conditions that the Iran–China agreement could bring to Iran. Finally, this agreement can provide Iran with certain benefits in the current era.
<strong>Extended abstract</strong>
<strong> Introduction</strong>
Iran and China have converged into cooperation as a result of the realities in political and spatial structures of power in Iran and the geopolitical realities governing the international system. Given the political and economic nature of the Iran–China agreement, this study aimed to analyze its foundations and formation contexts in order to perceive the bonds between economy and policy in this agreement. The main research question is as follows: What effects have geographical, political, and economic foundations had on the Iran–China convergence and the formation of a comprehensive strategic agreement between these two countries?
<strong> Theoretical Approach: Neo-Mercantilism</strong>
Apparently, neo-mercantilism is an appropriate theoretical framework for explaining the research question due to the attempts made by the Chinese state to secure the imported energy and its policies for controlling the energy markets of countries with petroleum resources in addition to ensuring the long-term stable access for consumption in domestic industries. At the same time, the nature of the IRI’s political system should be taken into account with respect to the fact that the Iranian state plays the key role in its economy.
<strong> Methodology</strong>
In this study, a descriptive-analytical approach was employed to identify geographical, political, and economic factors affecting the formation of a comprehensive strategic cooperation agreement between Iran and China. Moreover, a desk method was used for data collection. To identify and determine the critical or beneficial conditions that the agreement can provide for Iran, different potential states were considered for key factors. In addition, a questionnaire was designed within a cross-sectional framework and then given to 18 experts in relevant scientific fields. Techniques of future studies were employed in two phases called environmental monitoring (<em>i.e.</em>, collection of indices) and mutual effects (<em>i.e.</em>, scenario development through ScenarioWizard).
<strong> Findings</strong>
Iran was motivated to sign this agreement with China for the following reasons: foreign policy requirements in the 20-year outlook, nature of Iran’s governing political system, confronting with the dominance and hegemony of the US, leaving isolation, creating a strategic coalition to withstand the pressures exerted by the West in different areas, improving the resilience of the political system to potential pressures exerted by the West in the future, benefiting from China’s veto power in the UN Security Council, confronting Türkiye’s attempts at neutralizing Iran’s geopolitical situation, and extending effective national and regional territories. However, China sought the following goals in establishing strategic comprehensive relationships with Iran: needing energy supply sources, benefiting from Iran’s geographical position to reach Europe more easily and less expensively, accessing the global energy heartland, reaching business and arms markets, improving its position in both regionally and globally, deepening regional economic convergence, fulfilling security goals in the Indian Ocean, and improving its diplomatic leverage. These goals indicate China’s neo-mercantilism policies in signing the agreement with Iran.
<strong> Conclusion</strong>
The IRI’s foreign policy system has prioritized cooperation with the East as a result of one-sided sanctions imposed by the West. For this purpose, Iran has gained interest in China as a new hegemony power among eastern countries in the international system, for its power matrix is constantly soaring. Hence, Iran hopes to reach some of its national goals on regional and international scales by extending cooperation with China, which is considered a center of international power and wealth. According to the results of analyzing different scenarios, this agreement can provide Iran with beneficial conditions in the current era. At the same time, the Chinese state has adopted neo-mercantilism to extent its influence on important areas of the world. In other words, China is improving its international position in order to penetrate into strategic regions worldwide with the purpose of resolving the bottlenecks in its export-based economy and securing the imported energy sources.واقعیتهای مرتبط با ساخت سیاسی و فضایی قدرت در ایران و واقعیتهای ژئوپلیتیکی حاکم بر نظام بینالملل سبب همگرایی ایران و چین شده است. باتوجهبه اهمیت استراتژیک برنامهی جامع همکاری ۲۵سالهی ایران و چین، این پژوهش با روش توصیفی - تحلیلی کوشیده است تا مبادی اقتصاد سیاسی این توافقنامه را بررسی و عوامل تأثیرگذار بر همگرایی دو کشور و انعقاد آن را شناسایی نماید. نتایج نشان میدهد دولت چین با رویکرد نئومرکانتیلیستی، جهت رفع تنگناهای پیشروی اقتصاد صادرات محور خود و امنیت بخشی به منابع انرژی وارداتی به دنبال گسترش نفوذ در مناطق استراتژیک جهان مثل خلیجفارس است. از طرفی ماهیت نظام سیاسی حاکم بر ایران، مقابله با نظام سلطه و هژمون آمریکا، خروج از انزوا، مهار فشارهای جبهه غرب، افزایش تابآوری نظام سیاسی در قبال فشارهای احتمالی آتی غرب و افزایش ضریب خطرپذیری در کشور، استفاده از حق وتوی چین در شورای امنیت و گسترش قلمروهای ملی و منطقهای مؤثر مثل مناطق آزاد، از عوامل تأثیرگذار بر انعقاد این توافق از جانب ایران بوده است. در این مقاله همچنین تلاش شده است شرایط بحرانی یا مطلوبی که این سند میتواند برای ایران به ارمغان آورد را تعیین نماید. در نهایت میتوان بیان نمود که این سند میتواند شرایط مطلوبی را برای ایران در دوره کنونی فراهم آورد.https://interpolitics.guilan.ac.ir/article_6573_4a609f8dddc4171b9369003880709d6e.pdfدانشگاه گیلان (با مشارکت انجمن ایرانی روابط بین الملل)سیاست جهانی2383-012312120230321""Iran's Foreign Policy in the Second Karabakh War: Factors and Approach"سیاست خارجی ایران در جنگ دوم قرهباغ: عوامل و رویکرد199234677610.22124/wp.2023.23398.3111FAمهدیقربانیدانشجوی روابط بینالملل، دانشکده حقوق و علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایران0000-0002-0507-4047آرشرئیسی نژاداستادیار گروه روابط بین الملل٬ دانشگاه تهران0000-0003-3552-8430Journal Article20221208This article, with a geopolitical-perspective, aims to examine the process of Iran's foreign policy approach in the Second Karabakh War and factors affecting it. By dividing the war into three periods: "Imperceptible Azerbaijan's superiority", "perceptible Azerbaijan's superiority" and "Consolidation Azerbaijan's superiority" the three trends of "negligence", "indecisiveness" and "surprise" can be explained in the process of Iran's foreign policy. According to the research claim, the macro-narrative of "Karabakh is the land of Islam" has affected the overall Iran's approach in the Karabakh crisis. The lack of internal consensus, appeasement to Russia, enmity with Israel, competition with Turkey and confrontation with the international system were among the factors affecting Iran's activism in this war. In this war, Iran neglected the Azerbaijan's power and will, and was unable to create a balance between the two narratives "Long-standing ties and the obligation of the Islamic Republic to support the Shiites" and "Separatist Context in Azeri provinces of Iran", and contented itself with declaring neutrality and verbal activism. After Baku dominated the areas bordering with Iran, with a belated understanding of the will of the Azerbaijan, took action with indecisiveness and due to the lack of clear details of the Innovative plan and the lack of consultation and extensive diplomatic activity, was surprised by clause 9 of the Moscow agreement, which became a pretext for the Zangezur Corridor project. This research was done with the analytical-historical approach and the "process tracing" method, using library resources.
<strong>Extended abstract</strong>
<strong>1- INTRODUCTION</strong>
The second Nagorno-Karabakh war, which began on September 27, 2020, in the South Caucasus,<strong> </strong>after 44 days, With the Moscow agreement established a ceasefire in Nagorno-Karabakh. During the war, Armenian forces were forced to evacuate many lands of Azerbaijan. The Moscow agreement didn't specify the duty of the self-proclaimed Republic of Karabakh; But Yerevan was forced to leave the rest of the areas it had under control until that day. The Lachin Corridor to connect Karabakh<strong> </strong>with Armenia and a route to connect Baku with Nakhchivan were foreseen in the November 9 agreement. The clause related to the connection between Baku and Nakhchivan became a pretext for the Zangezur Corridor project, which is against Iran's national interests. This article seeks to discover the process of Iran's foreign policy approach in the Second Karabakh War and explain the internal, regional and international factors affecting it.
<strong>2- THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK</strong>
The theoretical framework of the research is three-level-three-domain geopolitics. Geopolitics is the influence of geography on politics. Geopolitics is concerned with how geographic factors affect the relationship between political units.<strong> </strong>Geopolitics deals with the relationship between power, geography and world order and emphasizes the role of geographical constraints and opportunities in shaping and pursuing politics. Using the theory of "Mohiaddin Mesbahi" also helps to advance the research by providing a powerful and comprehensive framework."Mesbahi" with a triple point of view towards the international system, It provides three distinct structures of "political-military", "normative-social" and "economic".
<strong>3- METHODOLOGY</strong>
This article is done with an analytical-historical approach, relying on "process tracing". "Process tracing" is a method used to determine the causal mechanisms that link an explanatory variable to an outcome or effect. Process tracing is mainly done with the detailed description and analysis of the sequence of historical events and is based on comprehensive description and causal-process observations. This article, using the analytical-historical approach, presents a classification of the process of events and activism of Iran's foreign policy according to the statements of officials and policymakers. Also, in order to explain the factors affecting Iran's foreign policy in this war, are seeking to discover and identify the trends.
<strong>4- RESULTS & DISCUSSION</strong>
Iran's foreign policy approach in the Second Karabakh War has been affected by various factors. The macro-narrative of "Karabakh is the land of Islam" has affected the overall Iran's approach in the Karabakh crisis. As the leader of the Islamic Republic, by emphasizing the necessity of defending the land for Azerbaijanis as a religious principle, has caused Iran to support the Muslims in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. The existence of two narratives "Long-standing religious, cultural and historical ties between Azeris and Iranians and the obligation of the Islamic Republic to support the Shiites" and "Separatist Context in Azeri provinces of Iran" has hindered consensus in foreign policy decision-making and persuasion of the audience. Iran sees Moscow as an ally against America; Therefore, tries not to act against Russia's interests. So that Iran's foreign policy in the Caucasus has been captured by Russia. By influencing in Baku, Israel has managed to have an ally on Iran's border. Israel is trying to promote developments in the Caucasus against national security and interests of Iran. The strategic relations between Baku and Ankara affect Iran's activism in Karabakh. The control of Azeri forces over the disputed areas, and the motivation of Turkey's land access to the Caspian Sea and the Central Asian republics through the connection of the two parts of the Republic of Azerbaijan had turned Ankara into an active actor and think tank of the Second War. At the international level, post-revolutionary Iran is presented as a threat and danger. Confrontation with the international system removes Iran from international and regional trends. By excluding Iran from international transit, Iran's interests in the geopolitical and geoeconomic fields are harmed.
By dividing the war into three periods: "Imperceptible Azerbaijan's superiority", "perceptible Azerbaijan's superiority" and "Consolidation Azerbaijan's superiority" the three trends of "negligence", "indecisiveness" and "surprise" can be explained in the process of Iran's foreign policy. During the period of neglect in Iran's foreign policy during the Second Karabakh War, the existence of two narratives "Long-standing religious, cultural and historical ties between Azeris and Iranians and the obligation of the Islamic Republic to support the Shiites" and "Separatist Context in Azeri provinces of Iran", along with the lack of understanding of the ability and will of the Republic of Azerbaijan to recover the occupied lands, caused Iran to not adopt an appropriate policy. Iran, After Baku dominated the areas bordering with Iran, with a late understanding of Azerbaijan's ability and lack of awareness of international, regional and domestic trends, took action by presenting an initiative that repeated Iran's positions in the past years. Due to the unclear details of the plan, the lack of extensive diplomatic activity and the unwillingness of other actors to play Iran's role, this plan didn't succeed. After the control of Shushi by Baku, Armenia accepted defeat and sat down at the negotiating table. From this moment, Azerbaijan wanted to turn the superiority on the battlefield into a diplomatic achievement. Since Iran was not an effective activist in the developments of the war, it couldn't play a role in the subsequent negotiations. The Moscow agreement included nine clauses; Its opening 8 clauses did not contradict the positions of the Iranian authorities. clauses 9 also, if it is only related to the communication corridor and commercial transportation, does not conflict with Iran's interests by itself. The clause related to the Zangezur Corridor has a purpose beyond connecting the two parts of Azerbaijan. The main contradiction with Iran's interests occurs when claims are made about seizing the territory of Syunik province of Armenia and cutting Iran's land connection with Armenia.
<strong>5- CONCLUSIONS & SUGGESTIONS</strong>
The macro-narrative of "Karabakh is the land of Islam", lack of internal consensus, appeasement to Russia, enmity with Israel and competition with Turkey and confrontation with the international system were among the factors affecting Iran's activism in this war. three trends of "negligence", "indecisiveness" and "surprise" can be explained in the process of Iran's foreign policy. In this war, Iran neglected the Azerbaijan's power and will, and was unable to create a balance between the two narratives "Long-standing ties and the obligation of the Islamic Republic to support the Shiites" and "Separatist Context in Azeri provinces of Iran", and contented itself with declaring neutrality and verbal activism. After Baku dominated the areas bordering with Iran, with a belated understanding of the will of the Azerbaijan, took action with indecisiveness and due to the lack of clear details of the Innovative plan and the lack of consultation and extensive diplomatic activity, was surprised by clause 9 of the Moscow agreement, which became a pretext for the Zangezur Corridor project. This corridor, which was designed with goals beyond connecting Baku with Nakhchivan, has caused claims by Baku and Ankara on the border of Iran and Armenia. Surely, Iran will seriously oppose this plan. In order to compensate for the losses inflicted on Iran, looking at the Caucasus as a sphere of influence should be the priority of the Islamic Republic. The tension in relations with the republics of the Caucasus is not in Iran's favor. Iran should take steps to reduce the influence of Israel and Turkey and create balance in its cooperation with Russia and Turkey in the region. Stay away from appeasement with Russia, and cooperate with Turkey along with Russia. Also, while balancing relations with Azerbaijan and Armenia, it should play the role of older brother. Paying attention to road and energy diplomacy is also very important to secure the country's interests in the South Caucasus.نوشته پیشرو با دیدگاه ژئوپلیتیکمحور، در صدد بررسی روند رویکرد سیاست خارجی ایران در جنگ دوم قرهباغ و عوامل موثر بر آن است. با تقسیم جنگ به سه دورهی «محسوس نبودن برتری آذربایجان»، «محسوس بودن برتری آذربایجان» و «تثبیت برتری آذربایجان»، سه روند «اهمال»، «بلاتکلیفی» و «غافلگیری» در روند سیاست خارجی ایران قابل تبیین است. طبق ادعای پژوهش، کلان روایت "قرهباغ خاک اسلام است"، رویکرد کلی جمهوری اسلامی ایران در بحران قرهباغ را متاثر کرده است. عدم اجماع در داخل، مماشات با روسیه، دشمنی اسرائیل، رقابت با ترکیه و تقابل با نظام بینالملل از عوامل موثر بر کنشگری ایران در این جنگ بود. در جنگ دوم، ایران با اهمال از توان و ارادهی جمهوری آذربایجان و ناتوانی در ایجاد توازن میان دو روایت «پیوندهای دیرینهی مذهبی، فرهنگی و تاریخی و تکلیف حمایتی جمهوری اسلامی از شیعیان» و «بستر تجزیهطلبانه در استانهای آذرینشین ایران» به اعلام بیطرفی و کنشگری لفظی بسنده کرد. ایران پس از تسلط باکو بر مناطق مورد مناقشهی هممرز با ایران، با درک دیرهنگام از ارادهی جمهوری آذربایجان، با بلاتکلیفی به کنشگری پرداخت و به دلیل مشخص نبودن جزئیات طرح ابتکاری و عدمرایزنی و فعالیت دیپلماتیک گسترده، با بند مربوط به ارتباط بین مناطق غربی جمهوری آذربایجان با جمهوری خودمختار نخجوان در توافقنامه مسکو که دستاویزی برای طرح کریدور زنگهزور شد، غافلگیر شد. این پژوهش، با رویکرد تحلیلی-تاریخی و روش «ردیابیفرایند»، با استفاده از منابع کتابخانهای انجام شده است.https://interpolitics.guilan.ac.ir/article_6776_099c6846f8fe510d3099b79e460eb960.pdfدانشگاه گیلان (با مشارکت انجمن ایرانی روابط بین الملل)سیاست جهانی2383-012312120230321Ideology and Pragmatism in Islamic Republic of Iran’s Foreign Policy:
A Case Study of the Rouhani Administrationایدئولوژی و عملگرایی در سیاستخارجی جمهوری اسلامی ایران: مطالعه موردی دوره حسن روحانی235265666510.22124/wp.2023.24661.3201FAجعفرفرهادی نسبدانشجوی دکتری گروه علوم سیاسی، واحد چالوس، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، چالوس، ایران0009-0009-8842-6025سعیداسلامیدانشیار گروه علوم سیاسی، واحد چالوس، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، چالوس، ایران.فاطمهسلیمانی پورلکاستادیار گروه علوم سیاسی، واحد چالوس، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، چالوس، ایران.Journal Article20230605Foreign policy is the strategy designed by a state’s policy makers in relation to interactions with other states and international actors to achieve national objectives and safeguard national interests. An in-depth look into the Islamic Republic of Iran’s foreign policy indicates a set of ideological norms, principles, and objectives as well as a pragmatic approach, manifested in the last decades. Accepting the current realities in the world, a pragmatic foreign policy pursues maximum utilization of opportunities with regard to national interests of a given state. This study aimed to determine the role of ideology and pragmatism in Iran’s foreign policy during Hassan Rouhani’s presidency. It also attempted to establish which one of these factors was more essential and carried more weight. Accordingly, this was a historical-analytical study relying on library research. The results demonstrated that the rough core of Iran’s foreign policy based on ideological preference was the most important factor in determining Iran’s foreign strategies and policies under the Rouhani administration. Influenced by its sublime signifier, Rouhani’s government leaned towards moderation; while upholding an Islamic discourse whose elements were based on the principles and values of the Islamic Revolution, the Rouhani administration used its rationalistic and balanced approach, based on consequentialism, to deconstruct the structure of the international system.
<strong>Extended abstract</strong>
<strong>1- INTRODUCTION</strong>
In today’s complex international relations, adopting a rational approach is inevitable to gain the most advantages from the least capacities, critical situations, and the slightest diplomatic openings. Iran’s eleventh and twelfth governments under Hassan Rouhani were formed based on this view. The purpose of this study was determining the central factors regarding ideology and pragmatism in Islamic Republic of Iran’s foreign policy. Accordingly, the share of ideology and pragmatism and their level of essentiality in Iran’s foreign policy were specified during Hassan Rouhani’s two terms in office. The main hypothesis was that Iran’s foreign policy during Rouhani’s presidency took a pragmatic turn in many cases; however, its core remained intact and ideologically-driven.
<strong>2- THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK</strong>
There is no available consensus on a single fitting conceptual or theoretical framework for studying and analyzing the Islamic Republic of Iran’s foreign policy. This results from the relationship between an international relations theory and the Islamic Republic’s identity and foreign policy. It is crucial to note that using conceptual frameworks based on international relations theories to analyze Iran’s foreign policy involves many theoretical limitations. The first limitation rises from the nature of international relations theories that are propounded to explain and preserve the historical and cultural international order. The Islamic nature of Iran’s regime is another limitation, which challenges selecting a fitting conceptual framework for analyzing its foreign policy. Therefore, the Islamic nature of the 1979 revolution in Iran and the ideology legitimizing its resultant political system restrict the application of revolutionary foreign policy theories. However, this does not justify the development of a particular theory for analyzing Iran’s foreign policy.
<strong> </strong>
<strong>3- METHODOLOGY</strong>
This historical-analytical study was based on library research. Accordingly, the role of ideology and pragmatism in Iran’s foreign policy during the Rouhani administration was examined using discourse analysis.
<strong>4- RESULTS & DISCUSSION</strong>
<strong> </strong>Ideology in the foreign policy of Iran’s eleventh and twelfth governments
Islamism is the dominant ideology of the Islamic Republic of Iran; nonetheless, Rouhani attempted to present milder interpretations with regard to ideological issues in his discourse of moderation. In addition to establishing a balance between realistic and idealistic objectives, this approach avoided exaggeration and ideologization of issues, highlighting Iran’s national interests. This is because moderate ideologism requires a balance between realism and idealism or national and ideological interests of Iran.
Pragmatism in the foreign policy of Iran’s eleventh and twelfth governments
When Rouhani came to power in 2013, a new approach was adopted in Iran’s foreign policy, prioritizing ties with neighbors and countries in the region. The Rouhani administration pursued its prized order under a strategy based on constructive interaction and de-escalation of tensions. The cardinal characteristics of Rouhani’s foreign policy included de-escalating tensions, trust-building, rationalism in foreign policy, saving face and improving Iran’s position in the world, active diplomacy, balanced and improved relations, particularly with Iran’s neighbors.
<strong>5- CONCLUSIONS & SUGGESTIONS</strong>
The predominant discourse of the eleventh and twelfth governments of Iran encompassed a balance of idealism and realism. In conjunction with accepting its idealistic and deconstructive mission, the Rouhani administration was observant of the requirements and current frameworks of the international system. During these two terms, Iran’s foreign policy was a combination of pragmatic and ideological approaches, each prioritized at different times according to the degree they secured Iran’s national interests. Nevertheless, the unshakable principle in Iran’s foreign policy remained its ideological aspect, which proved to be more essential. Pragmatism in Iran’s foreign policy can be traced to limitations in sources of national power and restrictions imposed by the international system.سیاستخارجی استراتژی طراحیشده به وسیله سیاستگزاران یک کشور در مقابل سایر دولتها و بازیگران بینالمللی برای رسیدن به اهداف ملی و تامین منافع ملی است. تأمل در رفتار سیاستخارجی جمهوری اسلامی ایران از وجود هنجارها، اصول و اهداف ایدئولوژیکی وعملگرایی بسیاری حکایت دارد که طی دهههای اخیر بروز یافته است. سیاستخارجی عملگرایانه با پذیرش واقعیتهای موجود، بدنبال استفاده حداکثری از فرصتها در راستای منافع ملی کشور است. پژوهش حاضر بدنبال پاسخی برای این سوال است که جایگاه و نقش ایدئولوژی و عملگرایی در سیاستخارجی جمهوری اسلامی ایران در دولت حسنروحانی چگونه بوده است؟ و کدام یک از این دو از اصالت و وزن بیشتری برخوردار بوده است؟ دراینراستا روش تحقیق پژوهش حاضر تحلیلی- تاریخی و باتکیه بر منابع و اسناد کتابخانهای میباشد. نتایج این پژوهش نشان داده است در دولت روحانی، هسته سخت رفتار سیاستخارجی ایران براساس ترجیحات ایدئولوژیک مهمترین عامل در تعیین راهبردها و سیاستهای ایران در حوزه روابط خارجی است. دولت روحانی در این مورد متأثر از دال متعالی خود، گرایش به اعتدال داشته و باوجود اینکه گفتمانی اسلامی بوده وعناصر آن برپایه ارزشها و اصول انقلابی ایران شکلگرفته است، تدبیر خردگرایانه و متوازن خود را که مبتنی بر نتیجه-گرایی است، به منظور شالودهشکنی ساختار نظام بینالملل به کار بسته است.https://interpolitics.guilan.ac.ir/article_6665_c71e3095ee1a7a7ee509a353098cd7e2.pdfدانشگاه گیلان (با مشارکت انجمن ایرانی روابط بین الملل)سیاست جهانی2383-012312120230321Comparing the strategy of Barack Obama and Trump towards Afghanistanمقایسه راهبرد باراک اوباما و دونالد ترامپ در قبال افغانستان267298677510.22124/wp.2023.6775FAرضاسیمبراستاد گروه علوم سیاسی دانشگاه گیلان0000-0001-5111-1075احسانخادمیمدرس دانشگاه آزاد و دانشگاه فرهنگیانآزیتاملکیکارشناسی ارشد حقوقJournal Article20230620Afghanistan has played a key role in US foreign policy in recent decades. The US entry into Af Country-snapshot.ghanistan's political-military arena dates back to the late Soviet occupation of the country in the 1980s. The events of September 11, 2001, increased Bush Jr.'s strategic focus on the country and led to the US invasion of Afghanistan, and this strategy more or less continued under the next US presidents, especially Obama and Trump. In this regard, the main question of the present study is what are the similarities and differences between the strategies of Barack Obama and Donald Trump towards Afghanistan? Findings The Obama badge made the security situation in Afghanistan one of its top priorities and won the Nobel Peace Prize with the slogan of war. Obama's policy on Afghanistan was, in fact, his administration's roadmap for dealing with Afghanistan. Continuing US problems in dealing with the Taliban was one of the important issues the Obamasought to resolve as soon as possible. Trump initially to withdraw US troops from Afghanistan, but later signed a plan About 4,000 more US troops will be sent to Afghanistan. In his strategy, Trump opposed the hasty withdrawal of US troops from Afghanistan. The present study is of descriptive-analytical method. <br /><strong>Extended abstract:</strong><br /><strong>1- Introduction</strong><br />Barack Obama's government, which came into office with the slogan of change in America in 2009, announced the security situation of Afghanistan as one of the serious priorities of his government and succeeded in receiving the Nobel Peace Prize with the slogan of war. Barack Obama implemented two distinct strategies in two stages regarding Afghanistan: in the first stage, he believed in separating the dirty and clean war, meaning to fight terrorism; Afghanistan is a priority and Iraq should be removed from the direct control of American forces. In this regard, in 2009, Obama sent 17,000 new troops to Afghanistan, most of whom were stationed in the southern regions of Afghanistan. In Obama's second strategy, more emphasis was placed on economic aid and the withdrawal of American forces from Afghanistan. According to this strategy, he intended to transfer the responsibility of providing Afghanistan's security to Afghan forces, and in the last stage of the implementation of this strategy; In June 2011, Obama announced his decision to withdraw American troops from Afghanistan<br />On the other hand, Donald Trump was the third president of the United States who faced the challenge of Afghanistan, and his government's strategy was announced after several months of delay, during a speech in August 2017, known as Trump's strategy. At the beginning of entering the White House, Trump promised the withdrawal of American troops from Afghanistan, but then he signed a plan to send about four thousand more American troops to Afghanistan. When Obama entered the White House, he announced the new strategy of the United States in Afghanistan regarding the increase of 30,000 American troops in Afghanistan, as well as a timetable for the withdrawal of American troops from Afghanistan, but Donald Trump, unlike Obama, in The beginning of his presidency did not have a specific plan for the war in Afghanistan. While at the beginning of his entry into the White House, Trump was critical of the presence of American troops in Afghanistan, but after a while in his new strategy, he opposed the hasty withdrawal of American troops from Afghanistan and attacked America's enemies, destroying ISIS, hitting Al-Qaeda emphasized preventing the Taliban from dominating Afghanistan, preventing the creation and development of terrorists' sanctuaries, and terrorists' access to weapons of mass destruction, and its strategy was the fear of the collapse of the Afghan government and becoming a nest of terrorists and reducing US military forces in Afghanistan. These developments caused each of the American leaders to adopt a specific pattern of behavior based on their perception of the surrounding and internal conditions of Afghanistan, how to be influenced by the internal conditions of America and individual beliefs. In the years of Obama's leadership, within the region (on the Off-Pak axis) and in the Trump era, a kind of principled realism was on the agenda. With Donald Trump coming to power as the US president, the Afghanistan crisis, which has been on foreign policy since 2001 Washington has cast a shadow, entered a new phase. The noteworthy point at this stage is the official acceptance of the Taliban as a political and field reality in the field of power in Afghanistan, which has put America in the orbit of peace with the Taliban and then ending the war in Afghanistan. This research It aims to compare the change of America's approach towards Afghanistan during the presidency of Obama and Trump. The main question of this research is what are the differences between the foreign policy strategies of Barack Obama and Donald Trump towards Afghanistan. And do they have similarities?<br /><strong>2- Theoretical framework</strong><br /> The theoretical framework of this research is based on the National security strategy documents (2010 and 2015) of the Barack Obama and 2017 Donald Trump’s era.Obama believed that the mere and superficial pursuit of American interests in the past and the lack of attention to the internal situation of Afganistan has led to popular dissatisfaction in this country and This is a potential threat to US long-term goals in Afganistan. Assessing US national security policy and the pattern of US strategic action will also require recognizing the perceptual differences of presidents. Comparative US security policy requires recognition of the national security document, the four-year defense document, State Department documents, and analytical formats published in the field of US security policy. In addition to the Presidential National Security Document, which is published in turn, there are various indications of the security models and processes available to the State Department, the Department of Defense, and strategic agencies. The US Department of Defense has been publishing the US defense strategy for four years. Therefore, the purpose of this study was to evaluate the comparisons of US national security policy during the time of Barack Obama and Donald Trump in Afganistan.<br /> <br /><strong>3- Methodology</strong><br /> <br /> The research method used in this article is descriptive and data collection has been done using library tools and internet resources.<br /><strong>4- Discussion</strong><br />The findings of the research show that the American foreign policy was formed after September 11, 2001 in the form of idealism discourse. The most important pillar of this discourse was the establishment of democracy in Afghanistan. The concept of democracy was so challenged in Afghanistan that the United States was hesitant to expand this principle of its foreign policy. Afghanistan's withdrawal from the concepts of this idealist discourse reached its peak. One of America's propaganda maneuvers for attacking Afghanistan was to promote American values such as democracy, human rights, etc. Before Trump took office, the idea of "American exceptionalism" was the driving force behind the internationalism of this country's foreign policy, but Trump's selective internationalism caused America to shirk many of its responsibilities and obligations. Trump intended to adopt The "America First" approach returned this country to the tradition of isolationism in its new dimensions. Trump's indifference to issues such as democracy, human rights, peace... was evident in the peace agreement with the Taliban. Trump made peace with the Taliban primarily to ensure the safety of American soldiers and reduce the cost of war. Abandoning the central government of Afghanistan during the negotiations also showed that democracy and the future of the Afghan people have no place for America in the Arab world. In other words, according to Trump's cost-benefit logic, since this policy did not bring any benefit to America, there was no need to pretend to implement it.<br /><br /><strong> </strong><strong>Conclusion and Suggestions</strong><br /><br />To achieve their goals, great powers use a set of power tools to control actors, resources, and processes. Since the beginning of the 21st century and after the events of September 11, 2001, the United States, as the only remaining superpower of the bipolar system, used the opportunity and by gaining the support of other actors and countries, which was unique in history, attacked and entered Afghanistan. It became a geostrategic region. America gradually became clear in its declared goals the fight against extremism and the overthrow of the Taliban, which is accompanied by global support, is facing major problems. At first, it seems that the initial military successes and the rapid overthrow of the Taliban will lead to the establishment of the desired system of the United States, but gradually the realities of the Afghan scene imposed themselves on the United States and led this country step by step to withdrawal and passivity. <br />افغانستان در دهه های اخیر در سیاست خارجی آمریکا نقش ویژه ای داشته است. ورود آمریکا به عرصه سیاسی-نظامی افغانستان به اواخر اشغال این کشور توسط ارتش سرخ شوروی در دهه 1980 میگردد. 11 سپتامبر 2001 تمرکز راهبردی بوش را بر این کشور افزایش داده و باعث حمله به افغانستان شد. این راهبرد کم و بیش در دوران روسای جمهوری بعدی آمریکا بخصوص اوباما و ترامپ نیز ادامه یافت. در این راستا سوال اصلی پژوهش حاضر این است که راهبرد اوباما و ترامپ در قبال افغانستان چه تشابهات و افتراقاتی را داشته است؟ یافتههای پژوهش نشان می دهد که اوباما وضعیت امنیت افغانستان را از اولویتهای جدی خود اعلام و با شعارنفی جنگ موفق به دریافت صلح نوبل شد. سیاست اوباما درمورد افغانستان درواقع نقشه راه دولت وی دربرخورد با مسئله افغانستان قلمداد می شد. استمرارمشکلات آمریکا دراین کشور دربرخورد با طالبان از مهم ترین مسائلی بود که دولت اوباما درصدد حل آن در کوتاه ترین زمان ممکن بود.ترامپ در ابتدای ورود به کاخ سفید، وعده خروج نظامیان آمریکایی از افغانستان را مطرح کرد، اما بعد طرحی را امضا کرد که چهار هزار نظامی آمریکایی دیگر به افغانستان اعزام شوند . ترامپ در راهبرد خود مخالف خروج شتاب زده نظامیان آمریکایی از افغانستان بود. اوباما و ترامپ هردودر وعده خروج از افغانستان و برقراری صلح در آن کشور، پیگیری مذاکرات صلح، واگذاری مسولیت به نیروهای افغان و مسآله تروریسم دیدگاهی مشترکی داشتند. پژوهش حاضراز نوع توصیفی ـ تحلیلی با رویکرد مقایسه ای است.https://interpolitics.guilan.ac.ir/article_6775_f55be6d679c1bf92b70026c33a68d72c.pdfدانشگاه گیلان (با مشارکت انجمن ایرانی روابط بین الملل)سیاست جهانی2383-012312120230321Bilateral Relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Republic of Azerbaijan (1991-2021)روابط دوجانبه جمهوری اسلامی ایران و جمهوری آذربایجان (1400-1370)299323662310.22124/wp.2023.24505.3188FAگارینهکشیشیان سیرکیگروه علوم سیاسی و روابط بین الملل ، واحد تهران جنوب، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، تهران، ایران0000-0001-8645-7295Journal Article20230513The Islamic Republic of Iran and the Republic of Azerbaijan are two long-standing neighbors with historical, ethnic, cultural, and common customs, but with two different ideologies. The Republic of Azerbaijan, having rich oil and gas resources Of course, the openly anti-religious approach of the Republic of Azerbaijan after its independence from the former Soviet Union, isolating the Shiite Islamic identity of the people of this country, moving towards political and cultural secularism on the part of the government, emphasizing Pan-Azeri ideology based on Turkish-Azeri ethnicity, the growing trend of Baku's relations with the West as well as with the Israeli regime, which is not only limited to the cultural fields, but also in the economic, political and security fields, the tendency of the Baku government. It has a strategic alliance with the Western axis, namely the United States of America, NATO and the Zionist regime; It has made the relationship between them colder. In this article, using the theory of defensive realism and a descriptive-analytical method, Iran's foreign policy and its influencing factors have been examined and analyzed. To answer this question, what important factors have been influential in the relations between the two countries? The result of this research shows that despite the bleakness of the relations, but some cooperation’s and understandings such as the positive position of the Azerbaijan towards Iran's nuclear program and not leaving Iran alone in the period of sanctions against Iran. It can create a positive vision of the relations between the two countries.جمهوری اسلامی ایران و جمهوری آذربایجان دو همسایه دیرینه با اشتراکات وپیوندهای تاریخی، قومی، فرهنگی، مذهبی، و آداب و رسوم مشترک همسایگی ولی با دو ایدئولوژی متفاوت در کنار هم هستند. جمهوری آذربایجان با داشتن منابع غنی نفت وگاز و اشتراکات یاد شده؛ برای ایران بسیار حائز اهمیت است. البته رویکرد آشکارا ضد دینی جمهوری آذربایجان پس از استقلال از اتحاد جماهیر شوروی سابق و بخصوص در دوران علیافها، منزوی کردن هویت اسلامی - شیعی مردم این کشور، حرکت به سمت سکولاریسم سیاسی و فرهنگی از سوی دولت، تأکید بر ایدئولوژی پانآذری مبتنی بر قومیت ترکی – آذری، روند رو به رشد روابط باکو با غرب و نیز با رژیم اسرائیل، که فقط به عرصههای فرهنگی محدود نبوده و در عرصههای اقتصادی، سیاسی و امنیتی نیز دولت باکو، گرایش هم پیمانی استراتژیک با محور غرب یعنی ایالات متحده آمریکا، ناتو و رژیم صهیونیستی دارد؛ باعث سردتر شدن روابط فی مابین شده است. در این مقاله با استفاده از نظـریه واقعگرایـی تدافعی و به روش توصیفی- تحلیلـی، سیاست خارجـی ایـران و عوامـل مؤثـر بـر آن مورد بررسی و تجزیه و تحلیل قرار گرفته است. تا به این پرسش پاسخ داده شود که چه عوامل مهمی در روابط دو کشور تأثیرگذار بوده است؟ دستاورد این پژوهش نشان میدهد که با وجود تیرگی روابط ولی برخی همکاریهـا و تفاهمـات ماننـد موضع مثبـت جمهوری آذربایجـان نسبت به برنامـه هسـته ای ایـران و تنهـا نگذاشـتن ایـران در دورهی تحریمهای جامعـه بین المللـی علیه ایران، میتواند چشـم انـداز مثبتـی از روابط دو کشور را رقم بزند.https://interpolitics.guilan.ac.ir/article_6623_c662b5ce75ebf0dd56edef7060f151d0.pdfدانشگاه گیلان (با مشارکت انجمن ایرانی روابط بین الملل)سیاست جهانی2383-012312120230321Explaining the Position of Iran in Comparison with the Extensive Influence of Global Actors in the Strategic South Caucasus Regionتبیین جایگاه ایران در مقایسه با نفوذ گسترده بازیگران جهانی در منطقه راهبردی قفقاز جنوبی325365705710.22124/wp.2023.23721.3132FAمهرانمهدی زادهمدرس دانشگاه، دانش آموخته کارشناسی ارشد، مدیریت صنعتی (تولید)، دانشگاه گیلان، رشت، ایران0000-0003-2507-018Xعبدالحسینپیکرنگاردکتری، رشته مدیریت دولتی، دانشکده مدیریت و حسابداری، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی واحد قزوین، قزوین، ایران.0009-0004-9133-837Xمحمدطالقانیدانشیار گروه مدیریت صنعتی، دانشکده مدیریت و حسابداری، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی واحد رشت0000-0001-6086-348Xابراهیمعلیزادهدانشآموخته کارشناسیارشد مدیریت کسبوکار (فناوری اطلاعات)، دانشگاه پیام نور کرج، رشت، ایران0000-0002-9800-9745Journal Article20230130Regardless of political-security issues, the South Caucasus, serves as a gateway for cultural, economic-trade, and political geography connections. Many analysts confirm to the region’s geopolitical, geoeconomic, and geostrategic significance, emphasizing that in order to reap the benefits of the region, countries must broaden their influence in many areas. This study attempted to clarify Iran’s significance in light of the wide-ranging effect of world actors and explore the nature of each actor’s role-playing in the South Caucasus strategic region. To this end, by using documentary and library research methods, 12 countries, entities, organizations, or unions among regional and extra-regional actors were identified, and the roles and actions that each of the actors play in the region were explained in accordance with numerous publications and studies. According to the findings, the 12 identified secondary and extra-regional actors’ actions are divided into three primary categories: economic-trade, military, strategic, security, and intelligence, and geopolitics. Furthermore, an analysis of South Caucasus business transactions revealed that Iran’s position as one of the regional countries with common borders with two major South Caucasus countries, namely the Republic of Azerbaijan and Armenia, has weakened and requires reinforcement in the region when compared to Russia and Turkey as regional actors, the US, China, European countries, and Israel as extra-regional actors that are mostly G20 members.منطقه قفقاز جنوبی، فارغ از چالشهای سیاسی- امنیتی؛ بعنوان دریچهای برای تعاملات فرهنگی، اقتصادی-تجاری و جغرافیای سیاسی به شمار می آید و بسیاری از کارشناسان بر اهمیت ژئوپلوتیک، ژئواکونومیک و ژئواستراتژیک این منطقه صحه گذاشته و بر این موضوع که جهت بهره برداری از مزیتهای این منطقه باید حوزه نفوذ خود را از جهات گوناگون افزایش دهند، تأکید کرده اند. در این راستا، هدف مقاله بررسی و تبیین جایگاه ایران در مقایسه با نفوذ گسترده بازیگران جهانی و ماهیت نقش آفرینی هریک از آنها در منطقه راهبردی قفقاز جنوبی در نظر گرفته شد. برای این منظور، با بهره گیری از مطالعات اسنادی و کتابخانه ای، ابتدا از بین بازیگران منطقه ای و فرامنطقه ای 12 کشور، نهاد، سازمان یا اتحادیه شناسایی و طبق گزارش ها و پژوهشهای مختلف نقشها و اقداماتی که هر یک بازیگران در این منطقه ایفا می کنند، تشریح و ماهیت آنها تبیین گردید. یافته ها نشان داد که 12 نقش فرعی و اقدام شناسایی شده از سوی بازیگران منطقه ای و فرامنطقه ای در 3 دسته کلی اقتصاد-تجاری؛ نظامی-راهبردی-امنیتی-اطلاعاتی؛ و ژئوپلوتیک قرار می گیرد. از طرفی تحلیل تبادلات تجاری کشورهای منطقه قفقاز جنوبی نشان داد که جایگاه ایران بعنوان یک کشور منطقه ای که با 2 کشور اصلی قفقاز جنوبی یعنی «ارمنستان» و «جمهوری آذربایجان» مرز مشترک دارد نسبت به روسیه و ترکیه بعنوان بازیگران منطقه ای؛ و آمریکا، چین، کشورهای اروپایی و رژیم اشغالگر قدس بعنوان بازیگران فرامنطقه ای که عمدتاً عضو جی20 هستند، کمرنگ تر شده و نیازمند تقویت جایگاه خود در منطقه است.https://interpolitics.guilan.ac.ir/article_7057_e08b0d3375f517a084f6a6befc467a75.pdf